( MENAFN - GetNews) The upcoming event will dive into innovation, investments, inspiration, and influence with focuses on the tech that's fueling industry today TechCon SoCal will return to San Diego on January 17-18, 2025, for a live weekend event slated to bring together 100+ speakers and more than 500 attendees from around the world including prominent venture capitalists, private equity firms, chief experience officers, and entrepreneurs. TechCon SoCal is regarded as one of the industry's largest gatherings of leaders, investors, entrepreneurs, CXOs, and tech enthusiasts. TechCon SoCal 2025 will place an emphasis on the trends and advancements that are driving the future of the industry while also recognizing the challenges that exist in the industry. TechCon SoCal 2025 will feature four themes including Innovation, Investments, Inspiration, and Influence with a focus on artificial intelligence, life sciences, digital health, robotics, consumer technologies, data, software, semiconductors, and the future of transportation. Attendees will enjoy a selection of carefully constructed sessions, panel discussions, fireside chats, networking events, and presentations from keynote speakers. TechCon SoCal 2025 will be held at the iconic San Diego State University Campus on January 17-18, 2025, where a packed agenda will await guests. The event's speakers include dozens of investors, innovators, influencers, and enablers including leaders from renowned venture fund capitalists to startups to Fortune 500 companies. Guests will leave ready to harness the power of today's most leading-edge technologies and apply them in diverse applications. Registration will begin at 12pm on January 17, followed by a welcome kickoff and the immediate commencement of sessions broken up by coffee breaks and networking. Each day promises a full schedule of authentic programming from industry leaders, as well as opportunities to connect with investors and more. Tickets for TechCon SoCal 2025 are now available, as well as discounted rooms at the Marriott Courtyard San Diego Mission Valley/Hotel Circle. See further details now by visiting techcon-socal-2025 . ABOUT TECHCON SOCAL TechCon SoCal is the largest thought leadership, innovation, and investment conference. Based in San Diego, California, this expert-driven event connects renowned industry executives, innovators, and technologists from around the world. Follow on social media: Facebook: @techconsocal MENAFN17122024003238003268ID1109004797 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. We do not accept any responsibility or liability for the accuracy, content, images, videos, licenses, completeness, legality, or reliability of the information contained in this article. If you have any complaints or copyright issues related to this article, kindly contact the provider above.Rodgers Silicon Valley Acquisition (OTCMKTS:RSVAU) Shares Down 5.3% – Time to Sell?
Squid Game 2 lập kỷ lục chưa từng cóPLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. RELATED COVERAGE How co-writing a book threatened the Carters’ marriage The Latest: Former President Jimmy Carter is dead at age 100 Notable quotes by Jimmy Carter Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Defying expectations Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” ‘Country come to town’ Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” A ‘leader of conscience’ on race and class Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn was Carter’s closest advisor Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Reevaluating his legacy Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. Pilgrimages to Plains The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.
In the bustling streets of Cairo, a bold banner hangs outside the Writers’ Syndicate, confronting passersby with a piercing statement: “Every pound you spend on their products returns as a bullet in your brother’s back.” This message critiques the economic and political ties between the listed multinational products and Israel. The visual captures the spirit of a region-wide movement, where ordinary people are transforming everyday choices into acts of defiance against forces that fuel war and perpetuate conflict. Across the Red Sea, in the lively streets of Amman, Jordan, another symbol of resistance stands in silence: the empty aisles of Carrefour supermarkets. Once bubbling with life, these shuttered stores are the result of an unwavering boycott campaign — and a testament to how solidarity and conscious consumer choices can challenge and disrupt dominant systems of power. Across the world, the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement, or BDS, has gained momentum, encouraging individuals to use their purchasing power as an effective tool for change. By reimagining the global economy as a means to exert pressure on Israel, BDS has transformed boycotts into one of the most effective forms of nonviolent resistance in a capitalist world, creating ripple effects that resonate far beyond the checkout counter. Nowhere is this impact more evident than in the Middle East, where shared regional solidarity and strategic economic pressure have turned the movement into a powerful force reshaping political and economic dynamics. Effective boycotts have long served as tools to challenge power, disrupting profits, tarnishing reputations and compelling institutions to change. In the Middle East, however, they hold a deeper resonance, intertwined with decades of struggle against colonialism and occupation. “Boycotting isn’t new. It’s a legacy embedded in our struggle,” said Hossam Mahmoud of BDS Egypt. “It goes back to the days of British colonization and the partition of Palestine in 1947.” From student protests to global campaigns, the region has long relied on nonviolent resistance to challenge injustice. This long history of economic resistance was reignited by Israel’s war in Gaza in October 2023, as social media quickly became the movement’s amplifier, with hashtags like #Don’tPayForTheirBullets rallying younger generations. In this renewed fight, global giants, such as McDonald’s and Starbucks , were targeted for their financial complicity or implicit support to Israeli military actions. For many, these boycotts are more than economic — they are moral imperatives, a rejection of profiteering from violence. Their power lies not just in financial disruption but in reshaping consumer consciousness, forcing individuals to ask: Does buying this make me complicit in what it supports? Behind every successful boycott is a story of innovative tactics that turn awareness into action. Social media became the core of the movement, transforming local efforts into worldwide campaigns. Platforms like X, Instagram and TikTok amplified voices, mobilized communities and sparked viral campaigns that forced corporations to pay attention. Hashtags like #BoycottOccupationGoods and #DidYouFundGenocideToday? became rallying cries, uniting millions and turning online outrage into tangible action. But the fight for justice extended far beyond likes and shares. Tools like the No Thanks app bridged the gap between digital awareness and real-world action. By scanning a product’s barcode, consumers gained immediate access to details about a brand’s affiliations, giving them the power to make informed choices and determine whether their purchase supported the boycott. Sustaining momentum required more than technology; activists leaned into grassroots efforts, fostering lasting connections through direct engagement. Workshops, public lectures and in-person action turned online trends into enduring campaigns for change. University campuses have emerged as vital hubs for this movement, blending education with activism. At the American University in Cairo, the Political Science Students Association, or PSSA, is leading by example. Under Haya Kandeel’s leadership, the association has turned student engagement into a force for meaningful change. “This wasn’t just about boycotts,” Kandeel explained. “We tackled misinformation head-on, hosting talks with BDS representatives and professors to connect global injustices to local realities. We even launched a dedicated newsletter to spotlight Palestine and promote ethical consumer choices.” These initiatives fostered a culture of critical thinking and educated actions, leading to long-term commitment to change. “Online activism is indispensable,” said BDS Egypt’s Hossam Mahmoud. “But grassroots, on-the-ground efforts remain the heart of lasting change.” He recalls how, in an older campaign, BDS took its fight directly to Zamalek Sporting Club, one of Egypt’s most prominent and historic football clubs. The group engaged members and decision-makers face-to-face to expose Puma’s ties with Israel , ultimately leading to a successful termination of their partnership. This victory underscores a vital truth: while social media can spread awareness, real impact often requires stepping out of the digital sphere and building direct human connections. From the halls of universities to the streets of Cairo, the boycott movement is proving that change begins with community — and the courage to confront power where it lives. For many, boycotting is more than an economic gesture — it’s a deeply personal declaration of values and solidarity. “Boycotting in itself is an act of raising awareness,” Mahmoud said. “It’s not just about applying economic pressure; it’s about educating people, sparking critical conversations and building a collective understanding of the daily injustices Palestinians face.” Mahmoud emphasized the accessibility of boycotting, calling it “a tangible form of solidarity — low-risk, yet profoundly impactful over time.” However, not everyone shares this sense of empowerment. While waiting in line at a McDonald’s checkout counter, I asked a customer why he chose not to boycott. He hesitated before responding with quiet resignation: “To be honest, I don’t think it makes a difference. Whether I buy from here or not, a pack of fries isn’t going to free Palestine.” His words echo doubts harbored by many — questions about whether individual actions can truly dent entrenched systems of oppression. For others, however, boycotting is a way to reclaim agency. Safiya Aboushady, a university student in Cairo, recalls feeling helpless as she watched the destruction in Gaza. “Joining the boycott gave me something tangible to do,” she said. “It’s not just about avoiding a product, it’s about standing for a principle.” For Aboushady, the act of boycotting bridges the gap between despair and action, a sentiment shared by many who find strength in aligning their values with collective resistance. Jana, a 22-year-old activist who requested her last name be omitted, sees boycotting as a vital tool in societies where public protest is restricted. “In many Middle Eastern countries, you can’t take to the streets without fear of being silenced or arrested,” she said. “Boycotting is one of the few ways we can express our resistance without directly confronting the authorities.” For her, it’s about more than just economic impact. “This isn’t just about hitting companies financially, it’s about making our voices heard.” All these efforts yielded tangible results, as boycotts transformed from local acts of resistance into a regional movement, demonstrating that collective action can transcend borders and reshape the global discourse. In Jordan, economic resistance has become a daily act of defiance, deeply rooted in solidarity with Palestine. According to one poll , over 93 percent of Jordanians have supported boycott efforts against companies associated with the occupation since October 2023. Community groups, schools and unions have incorporated boycotts into their initiatives, fostering a culture of disassociation from complicity in oppression. Beyond Egypt and Jordan, the ripple effects of these campaigns are being felt across Lebanon, Kuwait and Tunisia. Lebanese activists have targeted cultural events and corporations like G4S , a private security firm, that are accused of enabling Israeli policies by providing equipment and services to Israeli checkpoints. Kuwait has institutionalized bans on companies linked to Israel, while in Tunisia, grassroots campaigns continue to build on the momentum of regional efforts. This interconnected resistance underscores the power of collective action, where local struggles merge with international movements, proving that economic resistance can ignite global conversations about justice. The boycott of companies like Coke and Pepsi has even transcended national boundaries, resonating across various countries. In Pakistan, local soda brands such as Cola Next and Pakola have seen a surge in popularity as consumers reject Western beverage giants, linking them symbolically to U.S. support for Israel. In Egypt, V7 Cola has gained popularity as a local alternative . Similarly Gaza Cola, introduced in the U.K. , sold out its initial production run within weeks, pledging profits to rebuild hospitals in Gaza and embodying the spirit of resistance. Meanwhile, brands like Salaam Cola in the U.K. and Palestine Drinks in Sweden are channeling their revenues into humanitarian projects in Gaza and the West Bank, reinforcing their mission to support Palestinian causes. These brands not only offer ethical choices but also underscore the growing intersection of consumer behavior and political advocacy, transforming everyday purchases into acts of solidarity. Mahmoud captured the essence of the movement, saying, “Our success isn’t measured by immediate victories but by building a sustained, unified movement that transcends borders.” His words highlight the interconnected nature of the global BDS effort, where campaigns, though rooted in local contexts, contribute to a broader, coordinated push that amplifies their collective impact. “Guided by the BDS National Committee in Ramallah, campaigns around the world coordinate efforts to maximize their influence, while preserving their grassroots foundations,” he said. “From Paris to Cairo, campaigns share strategies, messages and goals, creating a unified front that strengthens the movement’s reach.” This cooperation ensures that each action contributes to a global momentum, demonstrating that solidarity knows no borders. These modern efforts evoke the global solidarity reminiscent of the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa, where international boycotts were instrumental in dismantling injustice. The surge of boycotts across the Middle East has forced multinational corporations to confront their vulnerabilities. Companies like McDonald’s Egypt have scrambled to mitigate damage, distancing themselves from their international counterparts and pledging millions of Egyptian pounds to Gaza relief efforts. Yet these gestures have done little to reverse declining sales or placate public criticism. The economic repercussions have been undeniable on those corporations. Coke and Pepsi suffered a 7 percent sales decline in the first half of 2024 across the region. McDonald’s Egypt sales dropped by 70 percent amid the ongoing boycott over the company’s support to Israel. Starbucks Middle Eat laid off at least 2,000 employees amid declining sales after boycott efforts. The slower sales led Starbucks CEO Laxman Narasimhan to tell analysts that “We saw a negative impact to our business in the Middle East,” and that “Events in the Middle East also had an impact in the U.S., driven by misperceptions about our position.” In an attempt to repair the reputational damage in April 2024, Starbucks’ charitable arm announced a $3 million donation to World Central Kitchen to provide food aid to Gaza. In Jordan, Carrefour’s abrupt closure of all its branches further underscores the growing influence of BDS. The retailer announced on Facebook: “As of Nov. 4, 2024, Carrefour will cease all its operations in Jordan and will not continue to operate within the Kingdom.” This decision followed months of boycott campaigns accusing Carrefour of complicity in Israeli policies, including allegations of support for Israeli soldiers amid attacks on Gaza. The Jordanian BDS movement celebrated the closure as a victory for collective action and a testament to the power of ethical consumerism to challenge entrenched systems. The BDS campaign has also caused global impact. In April 2024, McDonald’s announced plans to buy back its Israeli franchise from Omri Padan, who had offered free meals to Israeli Defense troops during the Israel-Hamas conflict. Despite its power, economic resistance faces notable challenges. Critics argue that boycotts often lose momentum once initial enthusiasm fades, limiting their longterm impact. Multinational corporations, with their diverse revenue streams, can easily offset regional losses by capitalizing on gains in other markets, weakening the broader effect of localized efforts. “Boycotting must be more than a fleeting trend, it must become a lasting commitment to justice,” said Mahmoud, stressing the importance of sustained action to bring about real change. This reality means that even high-profile successes, like the closure of Carrefour outlets, may remain more symbolic than transformative on a global scale. Nevertheless, boycotts remain a powerful tool for holding corporations accountable. As Mahmoud emphasized, they do more than disrupt profits, “they mobilize communities and shed light on systemic complicity in oppression.” By redefining resistance and replacing violence with solidarity — as well as turning despair into action — these campaigns show that real change often starts with small, consistent acts of defiance. They turn everyday consumer choices into acts of protest and show that solidarity, when multiplied, can challenge violence and inspire a shared vision for justice. Ultimately, they prove that, even in the face of injustice, ordinary people can drive extraordinary change.
MCSO investigating homicide in SurpriseSCHAUMBURG, Ill. , Dec. 17, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Creative Group, a full-service meeting, event, and incentive agency, is proud to highlight its insights and contributions to Skift Meetings' Megatrends 2025 report. The report reveals a dynamic landscape shaped by transformative forces, from artificial intelligence and sustainability to mental health and generational inclusivity. Creative Group's expertise underscores how strategic event design can address complex organizational goals while delivering exceptional attendee experiences. Trends Redefining the Events Landscape 1. Events Have Become More Strategic Melissa Van Dyke , Creative Group's Senior Vice President of Integrated Marketing, Design, and Innovation, highlights the shift in event strategy. "Today's events must go beyond flawless logistics to deeply align with business initiatives," Van Dyke states in the report. Events must begin with a deep understanding of their purpose. Creative Group advocates for aligning all aspects of event planning with business initiatives, ensuring every element—from agenda to attendee engagement—supports organizational goals. By starting with the "why," planners can craft experiences that not only meet attendee expectations but also drive organizational objectives forward. This more intentional design focus is the crucial middle between events that check a box and events that move the needle. 2. Addressing Generational Shifts With Millennials and Gen Z comprising an increasing share of the workforce, event strategies must reflect values like sustainability, inclusivity, and experiential depth—with more immersive and interactive experiences. Creative Group's methods integrate these elements seamlessly, ensuring events resonate with all age groups while fostering connections across diverse demographics. 3. Immersive and Interactive Engagement Understanding the purpose of an event also shapes how planners design interactions. Creative Group incorporates principles of behavioral economics—awareness, engagement, and nudges—to create meaningful moments before, during, and after the event, ensuring participants stay inspired by and connected to event messaging, brand and core business objectives. Meeting New Expectations in 2025 Sustainability as a Business Imperative As sustainability becomes non-negotiable for many attendees, Creative Group emphasizes adopting eco-friendly practices, such as waste reduction and locally sourced elements, to meet expectations while reflecting each brand's business values. Mental Health Integration Event designers are increasingly tasked with addressing attendee well-being, making it essential to create events that reduce stress and promote emotional connection. Creative Group's approach integrates wellness strategies that are empathy-based and customizable to meet the needs of the modern attendee. Looking Ahead Creative Group's contributions to the Megatrends 2025 report reinforce the idea that understanding the "why" behind every event is crucial in today's meetings landscape, especially critical given the additional scrutiny on event budgets in 2025. "Corporate events are no longer about simply gathering people for a single objective—they are about achieving complex business challenges, reinforcing organizational culture, boosting brand loyalty, and recognizing and retaining top talent," says Van Dyke . To explore how Creative Group and other industry leaders are addressing the trends shaping 2025, download the full Skift Meetings Megatrends 2025 report. About Creative Group Creative Group is a full-service meeting, event, and incentive agency that delivers business results by inspiring people to thrive. An industry leader, Creative Group has been honored with numerous Society for Incentive Travel Excellence (SITE) awards and the CMI 25 Award, which recognizes the top 25 most influential meeting and incentive management companies in the U.S. Creative Group was founded in 1970, and has served clients in financial services, life sciences, insurance, manufacturing, retail, technology, automotive, and hospitality. Employing 220+ people, the company is headquartered in Schaumburg, Illinois , and maintains offices in San Francisco , Appleton, Wisconsin , and Toronto, Canada . For more information about Creative Group, visit http://www.creativegroupinc.com . View original content to download multimedia: https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/creative-group-spotlights-event-industrys-2025-megatrends-in-skift-meetings-report-302334125.html SOURCE Creative Group, Inc.
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South Carolina has won six straight games, and one of the catalysts has been the improved free-throw shooting of Nick Pringle. When South Carolina (9-3) faces Presbyterian (7-7) in the final nonconference game for both teams on Monday in Columbia, S.C., the Gamecocks won't have to hold their breath when Pringle toes the line. During South Carolina's surge, which includes wins over three power conference teams, Pringle has made 26 of 30 (86.7 percent) free-throw attempts. It's a remarkable improvement from his 51.7 percent career success rate entering the season. Last month, in his South Carolina debut after transferring from Alabama, Pringle's foul shooting woes continued as he shot 3-for-8 in stunning 74-71 upset at the hands of the visiting North Florida. But video work with coach Lamont Paris convinced Pringle that he needed to quicken his routine and tweak his set point, which is where a player's eyes focus on the rim. "How long it was taking him to release the ball once he started his free throw process was really long, really, really long," Paris said. "So he shortened it." In a 74-48 win over Radford on Dec. 22, Pringle made all 10 of his free throws. His work at the line is no small matter, as he has taken the second-most free throws on the team (61). Pringle averages 10.3 points and 6.8 rebounds per game, combining with Collin Murray-Boyles (16.2 points, 9.3 rebounds) to give the Gamecocks a formidable duo inside. Presbyterian enters after suffering its first home loss this season, 86-81 in overtime to Manhattan on Dec. 21. It was a frustrating defeat after the Blue Hose led by 19 points in the first half. There was a positive, however, as Carl Parrish delivered 23 points and nine rebounds, both career highs. It was a performance that sixth-year coach Quinton Ferrell has been awaiting. "Seeing him play like that offensively is not a shock to me because that's really what he's capable of," Ferrell said. "He's a big-time offensive player." Parrish combines in the backcourt with the Blue Hose's top two threats: Kory Mincy, who averages 14.9 points and 4.6 assists per game, and Kobe Stewart, who scores at a 14.4 ppg clip. Located just 60 miles apart, South Carolina and Presbyterian (Clinton, S.C.) have a long history, with their first game coming nearly 108 years ago. The Gamecocks lead the series 33-8. --Field Level MediaJimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’
(Bloomberg) — Commonwealth Fusion Systems LLC, a leader in the race to develop fusion power, has leased a site for its first commercial-scale power plant in a sign of confidence that it can build a system harnessing the energy of the stars. Commonwealth said this would mark the world’s first grid-scale commercial plant for the power source, though it’s still several years away. The company plans to build the system near a Dominion Energy Inc. natural gas plant in Virginia, about 15 miles (24 kilometers) south of Richmond, according to a statement Tuesday. Fusion power is a promising technology that offers abundant, clean energy, but remains a significant technical challenge. Researchers showed it could be done in a laboratory setting in late 2022, but dozens of companies continue to struggle with commercializing the complicated systems. As Commonwealth makes progress with the futuristic engineering, working with Dominion will help it address the more prosaic task of delivering electricity to the local grid. “We will be teaching them about fusion, and they will be teaching us about what they want from fusion power plants,” Chief Executive Officer Bob Mumgaard said in an interview, referring to the work with Dominion. Commonwealth, which dubs itself the largest private fusion company, has raised more than $2 billion, far more than any of its rivals, and is building a demonstration system at its Devens, Massachusetts, headquarters to contain a superheated cloud of plasma that releases energy as hydrogen atoms fuse into heavier elements. That device, Sparc, is expected to achieve a critical milestone in 2027, triggering a fusion reaction that generates more energy than is needed to sustain the process. That will pave the way for Arc, the larger, commercial version that may go into service at the Virginia site in the early 2030s. The company looked at numerous potential sites in the US and the UK. The Virginia location was selected because it offers a connection to the grid as well as easy access for employees, equipment and visitors that are interested in what may become the world’s first commercial fusion system. The region is also seeing significant electricity demand from both data centers and industrial users, which may be interested in buying power from Arc once it goes into service. “We have pretty significant power-demand growth rates,” said Emil Avram, Dominion’s vice president of business development. “They’re developing something that could be a solution to our future customers’ load growth.”Nicoprof.Com Expands Premium Tobacco-Free Nicotine Pouch Catalog, Offering Popular European Brands With Fast Global Shipping