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The Liberal government announced a suite of affordability measures Thursday that Ottawa says aims to put more money in Canadian bank accounts, a move experts say is likely to boost Canada’s economy and could register with voters who are still feeling the pinch of a higher cost of living. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau was in Toronto to unveil a GST/HST “holiday” on select grocery items and other consumer goods ranging from video games to Christmas trees. He also announced the Working Canadians Rebate — a plan to send $250 cheques this spring to every individual who worked in 2023 and made up to $150,000. “We’ve been able to get through the past couple of years. Everyone had to tighten their belts a little bit, and now we’re going to be able to give a tax break for all Canadians,” Trudeau said Thursday. While inflation has cooled back to the Bank of Canada’s two-per cent target , the last few years of rising costs have left a mark on Canadians. Ipsos polling conducted exclusively for Global News in late August showed that more than six in 10 respondents (63 per cent) are concerned they wouldn’t be able to absorb any unexpected costs of $1,000 or more; that figure rises to 72 per cent among parents. Sahir Khan, executive vice-president of the Institute of Fiscal Studies and Democracy, tells Global News that recent easing inflation hasn’t necessarily made life easier as years of living with rising costs compound on Canadian families. But the latest measures also come as the governing Liberals fall far behind the challenging Conservative Party in the polls and affordability issues continue to top the list of voter priorities. Sending voters a cheque or showing them a tangible impact when they tap their card at the grocery store provides recognition that Canadians may associate with the Liberals, Khan says. That’s a political message that has been missing from the carbon pricing rebates, he notes. “The cheque in the hands of people, I think there’s an immediacy to it politically,” Khan says. “There’s an advantage of that very direct relationship between the entity that’s collecting your taxes and the one that’s paying you right back for it.” The reaction to the Liberal proposals on Parliament Hill was swift. NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh took credit for pressuring the Liberals into the “winter tax holiday,” while Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre called the proposals a “tax trick.” Bloc Québécois Leader Yves-François Blanchet accused the Liberals of abusing the public purse to improve their position in the polls. “The Liberals have shown that when they need billions of dollars in order to literally buy votes, they find it,” he told reporters Thursday. Khan says that Canadians ought to be mindful of where the money is coming from heading into an election year. “We also have to remember, they’re kind of bribing us with our own money here, as governments like to do sometimes,” he says. “It’s a question of whether we value it and find it useful at the time, and, I imagine, remember it at the polls.” The Liberals claim that the GST holiday will amount to $1.6 billion in tax relief — in other words, forgone revenue for the federal government. Ottawa did not provide an estimate for how much the $250 cheques — dubbed the Working Canadian Rebate — will cost, though the Liberals said they expect the money will flow to an estimated 18.7 million Canadians. Royce Mendes, chief economist at Desjardins, estimates the total cost of the affordability package will be roughly $6.3 billion, or 0.2 per cent of Canada’s gross domestic product. He added in a note to clients Thursday that the spending could result in a “noticeable boost” to GDP growth in the first half of next year. BMO also pegs the fiscal costs of the new measures around $6 billion. Benjamin Reitzes, BMO’s director of Canadian rates and macro strategist, notes that the Ontario government’s plans to send out stimulus cheques early in the new year will ratchet the total fiscal boost up to 0.3 per cent of GDP in early 2025. As such, BMO is now raising its call for real GDP growth in the first quarter of next year to 2.5 per cent, up from 1.7 per cent before the announcement. The Liberal moves come as the Bank of Canada is well-entrenched in a monetary policy easing cycle. The central bank has so far delivered four interest rate cuts in a row as confidence grows that inflation is back under control. Trudeau claimed Thursday that the Liberal measures would not reaccelerate inflation, which ticked back up to two per cent in October, in line with the Bank of Canada’s target. He also credited the Liberals’ fiscal restraint and efforts to reduce the costs of dental and childcare in Canada as helping to rein in costs and set the central bank up for lower interest rates. “It allows us to make sure that we are putting money in people’s pockets in a way that is not going to stimulate inflation, but it’s going to help them make ends meet and continue our economic growth,” he said. Reitzes said in his note that headline inflation will take a noticeable dip during the GST holiday in December and January before accelerating in February and March. Mendes said that the sales tax exemptions will “mechanically lower inflation,” but the Bank of Canada will “look through” those effects and instead be more concerned about the impacts on growth and underlying price pressures. With expectations that the Liberal affordability measures could stimulate spending and economic growth, Mendes said he sees the central bank moving cautiously with 25-basis-point cuts heading forward. Both Reitzes and Mendes agreed that a larger, 50-basis-point cut like the one seen in October is likely off the table for the Bank of Canada’s final rate decision of the year in December. Asked about the sustainability of the proposed spending, Trudeau defended the government’s fiscal position. “Canada is on a solid footing. Our macro economy is doing well, but that’s why we’re choosing to put that in service directly of Canadians.” While Trudeau has touted the government’s declining debt-to-GDP ratio and other fiscal anchors, the Parliamentary Budget Officer has called into question the accuracy of the government’s projections. Last month, the fiscal watchdog said the Liberals were likely on track to miss pledges to cap the federal deficit at $40 billion in the last fiscal year. The PBO said in its economic and fiscal outlook that the federal government posted a $46.8 billion deficit for the 2023-24 fiscal year. It also projected that the deficit would decline to $46.4 billion in the current fiscal year — but that was before the latest slate of measures was announced. Khan says that the Liberal government, knowing it was likely to blow past its fiscal anchors, likely decided it was better to miss in a way that benefits the party and Canadians. “I think they’ve made that calculation that if you’re going to go past the $40 billion, you might as well do something that you think appeals to Canadians when the anxiety is kind of at its highest,” he says. “If they were going to go past it by $6 billion, as the PBO suggests, what’s the harm in going a little further?” Khan says that the measures are temporary and therefore unlikely to have a lasting impact on inflation. He adds that $6 billion in a $3-trillion economy is a “broadly” sustainable measure. He adds that one measure does not define the government’s entire fiscal track. The Liberals have yet to signal plans for a fall economic statement this year, and otherwise would have to present a more complete fiscal picture at the 2025 federal budget in the spring. The government may have other spending commitments that it will cut, Khan notes, and may be wise to consider leaving some of its “firepower” in reserve as signs of a softening economy and fears of trade wars bubble beneath the surface. Khan says that, after nearly 10 years in office, the Liberals also need to show they are committed to a new fiscal direction that will invest in growth rather than spend its way to a rising GDP. “Transfers to individuals alone, while they can solve a whole bunch of important problems, you do need an economic engine that’s generating wealth for people, but also for this government, too,” he says. “If you want progressive policies, you need to be able to pay for them.” — with files from The Canadian PressNonejili games gcash real money 。

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Former Rep. Matt Gaetz, R-Fla., closes a door to a private meeting with Vice President-elect JD Vance and Republican Senate Judiciary Committee members, at the Capitol in Washington on Wednesday. J. Scott Applewhite/Associated Press The big moment. Former congressman Matt Gaetz’s time as President-elect Donald Trump’s pick for attorney general has come to an end. It wound up lasting less than a Scaramucci. Gaetz, R-Florida, announced suddenly Thursday that he’s withdrawing from consideration, amid continued revelations about sexual misconduct claims against him, questions about a looming House Ethics Committee report and resistance from his fellow Republicans. Both Gaetz and Trump in social media posts claimed that Gaetz was doing well but had become a “distraction” – a PR word that often gets bandied about in untenable circumstances. But Gaetz’s downfall was about more than a momentary distraction. It was a sizable early setback for Trump, just more than two weeks after his triumphant 2024 election win. It’s also a sign that institutions – or at least a few members of them – can still stand up to Trump, and a remarkably swift conclusion to what could be a series of tussles between Trump and his own party. Let’s dive into those dynamics and other takeaways. IT’S A MAJOR SETBACK FOR TRUMP Gaetz was always going to be a tough sell, even for his fellow Republicans. Just four Republican senators would have been enough to kill his nomination if they voted with all Democrats. And plenty expressed reservations. There is not much love for Gaetz in congressional Republican circles, dating back to his successful effort to oust then-House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-California, last year. His baggage was also the most problematic among Trump’s controversial nominees, given that it involved allegations of sex with a 17-year-old – and particularly given the prospect of the ethics report coming out. On Tuesday, I wrote about how Gaetz’s nomination was in the most trouble, full stop. That wasn’t exactly a hot take. But just because this was predictable doesn’t mean it’s not bad for Trump. Trump chose to spend some of his earliest post-election political capital on this fight, daring Republican senators to defy him just a week after his election. He chose someone for a prestigious Cabinet department who had major baggage that was obvious to anyone with access to Google. And that gamble quickly fell apart. The whole thing suggests a very fast-and-loose Trump operation – no surprise if you were paying attention from 2017 through early 2021 – that is going to keep creating problems for the man in charge and his party. That there was apparently nobody around Trump willing or able to caution him against Gaetz doesn’t augur well for what lies ahead. Trump undoubtedly cares less about the idea that his political capital is damaged than your average politician. He’ll just move on to the next thing. But it can’t help but look like weakness – including to the Republicans he could clash with within the months and years to come. IT SHOWS THAT INSTITUTIONS CAN STILL STAND UP TO TRUMP Trump has claimed that the 2024 election gave him a huge mandate – despite him failing to win a majority of the popular vote and Republicans gaining relatively little ground. And Republicans have largely echoed that line. Some have gone as far as to suggest it’s time to just give Trump pretty much whatever he wants, including his Cabinet picks. We don’t yet know all the details of why Gaetz withdrew and how much the GOP resistance played a role (vs., say, Gaetz worrying about his own personal dirty laundry being aired). But regardless, this is an early signal that institutions – whether Republican senators, the legal and ethics systems, and/or the media – can still provide a significant check on Trump, if they are so inclined. We shouldn’t oversell that. As noted, Gaetz was always likely to be a bridge too far. And seeing Republican senators give lukewarm quotes about him and choose to fight against him more privately doesn’t exactly suggest they feel empowered to publicly stand up to Trump. A handful of senators with reservations about Gaetz is far from the entire Senate, even as the opposition was apparently enough to make him and Trump think twice about moving forward. Still, Gaetz’s failure was an early test of the system. The system didn’t work in Trump’s favor. And Trump’s critics right now probably undersell how assertive the GOP-controlled Senate, in particular, could be. This is a chamber that features plenty of institutionalists who don’t love the idea of being rolled by the president and forced to do things they don’t like (tariffs, abandoning Ukraine, etc.). Trump has also signaled he’ll push his political and policy norm-breaking quite a bit further than in his first term. It only takes four Republicans to stand in his way, and there are a fair number of moderates, Trump critics and retiring senators who could do so. WHAT IT MEANS FOR TRUMP’S OTHER PICKS When Trump picked Gaetz last week, theories abounded about how maybe this wasn’t all that it seemed – that it wasn’t truly about getting Gaetz installed as attorney general. A prominent theory was that perhaps Gaetz was a stalking horse. It held that he was a completely unacceptable pick put forward to be rejected and make Trump’s other picks, including his next pick for attorney general, look more acceptable by comparison. Whether or not that was the intent, the question now becomes whether Gaetz withdrawing will indeed make it easier for Trump’s other picks, such as Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (health and human services secretary), Tulsi Gabbard (director of national intelligence) and Pete Hegseth (defense secretary). Will Republicans view themselves as having beaten back the worst of Trump’s picks and relent on other nominees? Maybe. But I think the lack of a true, extended fight over Gaetz makes that less plausible. It would be one thing if Republicans fought over Gaetz for months, and Trump supporters were able to send a strong signal that opposing Trump would come with a cost (including public attacks and primaries). Some murmurs of retribution began this week, but the revenge campaign never really took hold. Now Gaetz will be a distant memory by the time those other nominations get considered, and nobody had to vote against him. You could also make a strong argument that critics of Trump’s picks will be emboldened by beating this one back so quickly. WHAT’S NEXT FOR GAETZ Another big question after Gaetz’s withdrawal is what happens to his political career. He resigned from the current, 118th Congress last week, after all. But the Florida congressman was reelected this month to the 119th Congress and could take his seat come Jan. 3. Republicans will have a narrow majority in which every seat could matter. Georgetown University’s Matt Glassman has a good look at the legal ins and outs. Basically, it would probably be up to the Republican-controlled House, which can interpret its own rules. But also, coming back to Congress would almost undoubtedly lead to the release of that ethics report, at which point Gaetz and his fellow Republicans would have to relive all of this drama. And it could involve Republicans voting to reseat a guy they clearly have little regard for and view as a problem for their party. Gaetz has also been rumored as a potential candidate for Florida governor in 2026. As for whether he could win his party’s nomination and that office? It probably can’t be completely ruled out in a red state. A MOMENTOUS POLL NUMBER 51-36 That’s the margin by which voters in a new Economist/YouGov poll say they approve of Trump’s handling of his presidential transition. It’s one of the first polls of how people view Trump post-election. That suggests he’s gotten something of a honeymoon, at least as of Tuesday (when the poll concluded). It also suggests that the major controversies surrounding his Cabinet picks haven’t turned Americans against him. Or perhaps it’s that people really haven’t tuned in to nomination battles that won’t take place until early 2025. For instance, the same poll asked whether people approved of Gaetz’s selection, and voters were about evenly split – 37% favorable to 39% unfavorable. Maybe it’s just early and people have political fatigue. Former congressman Matt Gaetz withdraws as Trump’s pick for attorney general House panel was told Gaetz paid 2 women $10,000, in part for sex We invite you to add your comments. We encourage a thoughtful exchange of ideas and information on this website. By joining the conversation, you are agreeing to our commenting policy and terms of use . More information is found on our FAQs . You can modify your screen name here . Comments are managed by our staff during regular business hours Monday through Friday as well as limited hours on Saturday and Sunday. Comments held for moderation outside of those hours may take longer to approve. Please sign into your Press Herald account to participate in conversations below. If you do not have an account, you can register or subscribe . Questions? Please see our FAQs . Your commenting screen name has been updated. Send questions/comments to the editors. « PreviousEd Graney: Sorry, fans, tanking doesn’t enter into minds of players

Police in Georgia on Saturday fired water cannons to disperse pro-EU protesters rallying for a ninth consecutive day against the prime minister's decision to shelve talks on joining the European Union. The Caucasus nation has been engulfed in turmoil since the governing Georgian Dream party declared that it had won a disputed October 26 election. The party's critics have accused it of creeping authoritarianism and of steering the country back towards Russia. Thousands of defiant pro-EU protesters in Georgia began to rally Friday eve after the prime minister claimed victory in a "battle" against the opposition. Tens of thousands have taken to the streets since the election to protest against alleged electoral fraud. Fresh rallies took place across the country after Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced last week that Georgia would not hold talks on European Union membership until 2028. Police have fired tear gas and water cannon against pro-EU protests in Tbilisi and hundreds of arrests have been made, triggering outrage at home and mounting international condemnation. France, Germany and Poland condemned what they called the government's "disproportionate" use of force against protesters and opposition leaders in a joint statement Friday. Shortly after midnight on Saturday, riot police in full gear moved in with water cannons to disperse the rally outside the parliament building, making arrests as the crowd retreated a few metres (yards), an AFP reporter witnessed. Earlier on Friday evening, several thousand people blocked the street outside parliament, with some blowing whistles and others setting off firecrackers. The crowd was smaller than on previous nights and the mood quieter, but protesters rejected claims the movement was dying out. "People will continue the protest," said one demonstrator, 23-year-old Giorgi, wearing a Georgian flag and a back scarf pulled over his nose. "They're patient, I will be here for the rest of my life if it is necessary to save my country." Separate protests were held outside Georgia's Public Broadcaster -- accused of being a government propaganda tool -- as well as the education ministry and the country's tourism administration offices. Shalva Alaverdashvili, founder of the Georgian hotels' federation, told AFP that the "unexpected and unacceptable" suspension of EU accession talks has severely hit the country's tourism industry, which accounts for seven percent of the country's GDP. Thousands have also staged anti-government rallies in the second city of Batumi on the Black Sea coast. On Friday evening, a court in Tbilisi put a 19-year-old youth activist in pre-trial detention. Zviad Tsetskhladze had been arrested during the protests on charges of "organising, leading, and participating in group violence". Tsetskhladze told the judge: "Democracy in Georgia is no more. The rule of law has been crushed. "Our actions are a form of resistance, aimed at preserving the rule of law, defending democracy, and protecting the rights of every individual." Earlier Friday Prime Minister Kobakhidze praised his security forces for "successfully neutralising the protesters' capacity for violence". "We have won an important battle against liberal fascism in our country," he told a news conference, using language reminiscent of how the Kremlin in Russia targets its political opponents. "But the fight is not over. Liberal fascism in Georgia must be defeated entirely," Kobakhidze said, repeating an earlier threat to "complete the process of neutralising the radical opposition". With both sides ruling out a compromise, there appeared to be no clear route out of the crisis. The leader of the opposition Lelo party, Mamuka Khazaradze, said the ruling party "no longer has the strength or resources to stand against the people." The government "has resorted to arresting young activists and political opponents out of fear of relentless public protests and growing civil disobedience by public servants," he told AFP. The interior ministry said police had detained three more individuals Friday for "participating in group violence", punishable by up to nine years' jail. Masked officers have raided several opposition party offices and arrested opposition leaders earlier this week, while around 300 people have been detained at rallies. On Friday Nika Gvaramia, leader of the opposition Akhali party, was sentenced to 12 days in prison. Alexandre Elisashvili, leader of the Strong Georgia opposition group, was remanded in custody for two months of pretrial detention. More trouble is expected after December 14, when Georgian Dream lawmakers elect a loyalist to succeed pro-Western President Salome Zurabishvili. She has vowed not to step down until the parliamentary polls are re-run. Local media has also reported protests across the country, including in the cities of Batumi, Kutaisi, Zugdidi, Rustavi and Telavi. Critics of Georgian Dream are enraged by what they call its betrayal of Tbilisi's bid for EU membership, enshrined in the constitution and supported by around 80 percent of the population. Several ambassadors, a deputy foreign minister, and other officials have resigned over the suspension of EU talks. Georgian Dream, in power for more than a decade, has advanced controversial legislation in recent years, targeting civil society and independent media and curbing LGBTQ rights. Brussels warned such policies were incompatible with EU membership, while domestic critics accuse the government of copying Russia's playbook. Georgia's own rights ombudsman has accused the police of "torture" against those arrested. ub-im/sbkRed Bull’s Max Verstappen took a stunning first pole position in five months at the Qatar Grand Prix yesterday while McLaren dealt Ferrari another blow in the Formula One constructors’ title battle by qualifying ahead of their rivals. The newly-crowned four-times world champion ended the session under investigation by stewards, however, after a near-miss with Mercedes’s George Russell who qualified alongside on the front row at the Lusail Circuit. Russell almost went into the rear of the slower Red Bull in an incident he described as ‘super-dangerous’ over the team radio. McLaren’s Lando Norris and Oscar Piastri qualified third and fourth respectively after taking maximum points from the sprint to send the team 30 points clear. Ferrari’s Charles Leclerc will start fifth with teammate Carlos Sainz seventh. McLaren can clinch their first constructors’ title in 26 years on Sunday, with one round to spare, if results go their way. Verstappen secured his fourth successive world title in Las Vegas last Saturday and the Qatar pole - in a time of one minute 20.520 seconds - in the final seconds. It was his first since Austria at the end of June and ninth of the year. “That was amazing, the turnaround. Great job guys,” Verstappen said over the radio after crossing the line 0.055 quicker than Russell, who had looked like repeating his Las Vegas pole. “I didn’t expect this,” the Dutchman said later, having finished only eighth in the sprint with a lack of balance and grip. “We changed a bit on the car but I never thought it would make such a swing in performance, so that’s promising. I hope it lasts tomorrow in the race. It just felt a lot more stable over one lap and that’s exactly what we need.” Team boss Christian Horner said Red Bull had changed “pretty much everything we could change” to put the car in a better performance window. Seven-times world champion Lewis Hamilton qualified sixth for Mercedes, 0.436 of a second off Russell’s time, with Fernando Alonso eighth for Aston Martin and Verstappen’s struggling team mate Sergio Perez ninth. Kevin Magnussen completed the top 10 on the grid for Haas, who are fighting a midfield battle for sixth place with Renault-owned Alpine and Red Bull’s RB. Piastri had led Norris in the sprint after swapping places within sight of the finish as payback for the Australian gifting victory to the Briton in Brazil to help his drivers’ championship chances. “Not the position we were hoping for after yesterday and today but the maximum we could do,” Norris, who made a mistake at turn five on his first effort in the final phase, said of his grid position for today. “The lap was pretty good. I was pretty happy with it but just not quick enough compared to the others. I don’t think we are as quick as the Mercedes, and Red Bull showed how much they improved since yesterday, so plenty of opportunity for everyone.” “It was a surprise for us to be so close to McLaren but a surprise that Red Bull and Mercedes were so strong,” said Leclerc. Sainz was summoned to the stewards after the session for an unsafe release from the Ferrari garage into Hamilton’s path, with the team fined 5,000 euros ($5,287). 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