'Once in a lifetime experience': World Chess Championship in Singapore thrills local, foreign fans - CNAStormont minister Maurice Morrow told an official he would not raise the issue with the Northern Ireland Executive, despite similar measures being considered in England and Wales. A file on planning arrangements for the jubilee celebrations reveals a series of civil service correspondences on how Northern Ireland would mark the occasion. It includes a letter sent on January 11 2001 from an official in the Office of the First Minister/Deputy First Minister (OFMDFM) to the Department of Social Development, advising that a committee had been set up in London to consider a programme of celebrations. The correspondence says: “One of the issues the committee is currently considering is the possibility of deregulating liquor licensing laws during the golden jubilee celebrations on the same lines as the arrangements made for the millennium. “It is felt that the golden jubilee bank holiday on Monday 3 June 2002 is likely to be an occasion on which many public houses and similar licensed premises would wish to stay open beyond normal closing time.” The letter said a paper had been prepared on the issue of extending opening hours. It adds: “You will note that paragraph seven of the paper indicates that the devolved administrations ‘would need to consider deregulation separately within their own jurisdictions’. “I thought that you would wish to be aware that this issue is receiving active consideration for England and Wales and to consider whether anything needs to be done for Northern Ireland.” Some months later a “progress report” was sent between officials in OFMDFM, which again raised the issue of licensing laws. It says: “I spoke to Gordon Gibson, DSD, about Terry Smith’s letter of 12 January 2001 about licensing laws: the matter was put to their minister Maurice Morrow (DUP) who indicated that he would not be asking the NIE (Northern Ireland Executive) to approve any change to current licensing laws in NI to allow for either 24 hour opening (as at the millennium) nor a blanket approval for extended opening hours as is being considered in GB. “In both cases, primary legislation would be required here and would necessitate consultation and the minister has ruled out any consultation process.” The correspondence says individual licensees could still apply for an extension to opening hours on an ad hoc basis, adding “there the matter rests”. It goes on: “DSD await further pronouncements from the Home Office and Gibson and I have agreed to notify each other of any developments we become aware of and he will copy me to any (existing) relevant papers. “Ministers may well come under pressure in due course for a relaxation and/or parity with GB.” The document concludes “That’s it so far...making haste slowly?” Emails sent between officials in the department the same month said that lord lieutenants in Northern Ireland had been approached about local events to mark the jubilee. One message says: “Lord lieutenants have not shown any enthusiasm for encouraging GJ celebrations at a local level. “Lady Carswell in particular believes that it would be difficult for LLs to encourage such activities without appearing political.”
Gettman kicks go-ahead FG as Villanova ends Delaware's FCS-era with a 38-28 win in finale
The NHL has been talking non-stop about Zach Whitecloud 's hit on Matthew Knies, and now another prominent NHL figure has weighed in on the play that has divided so much opinion among the fan base and analysts alike. For the past week, discussion around the NHL and rule 48 involving illegal hits to the head of an opponent has been running rampant, and now a legend has weighed in on the recent controversy. During the Toronto Maple Leafs vs. Vegas Golden Knights showdown, Zach Whitecloud appeared to hit Matthew Knies in the head , and just days after Ryan Reaves was suspended for the same act, he was given just a minor penalty upon review. The hit caused an uproar on social media, with many, mostly Toronto Maple Leafs fans, believing that the NHL would come down on the Golden Knights defenseman after little was done about the play on the ice, with the overwhelming majority looking at this as a dirty hit. Unfortunately for those fans, Whitecloud escaped any consequences for the hit , leaving many hockey analysts to weigh in on the situation. Now, a few days later, former Hockey Night in Canada host Don Cherry has joined the choir, and unsurprisingly, he has defended the NHL's decision, believing it was a clean hit. According to Cherry, it was a good hit, and while fans continue to complain, the league put out a video explaining the situation , and after that, it's hard to argue with their reasoning. While the NHL will need to be consistent moving forward after this ruling, they've now set the standard, and although many still disagree, we will see if the league can continue making the right calls. This article first appeared on Blade of Steel and was syndicated with permission.Dolphins speedster De’Von Achane has already stormed past last year’s total touches — and handling it wellEarly Shark Boxing Day deals offer huge savings on cordless and robot vacuum cleaners
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Nebraska opponent preview: Everything you need to know about IowaElon Musk arrives before President-elect Donald Trump during an America First Policy Institute gala at his Mar-a-Lago estate, Thursday, Nov. 14, 2024, in Palm Beach, Fla. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon) via Associated Press Keir Starmer has turned the UK into a “tyrranical police state”, according to Elon Musk . The tech billionaire launched his latest attack on the prime minister on X, the social media platform he owns. He was responding to a post about an online petition calling for an immediate general election receiving one million signatures. Advertisement Musk said: “The people of Britain have had enough of a tyrannical police state.” The people of Britain have had enough of a tyrannical police state https://t.co/0PtR5qQOKw — Elon Musk (@elonmusk) November 24, 2024 Musk’s comments come just a day after he took a swipe at Starmer’s plummeting approval ratings . He re-posted a graph showing how the PM’s popularity peaked just after the general election in July. Since then, Starmer’s net approval rating has slumped from plus 11 to minus 38 as his government has been hit by a series of controversies. Responding to the findings, Musk wrote: “The voice of the people is a great antidote.” His feud with the PM has been going on since the riots which hit the UK in the summer in the wake of the killing of three young girls in Southport. Downing Street slapped down the billionaire tech boss for claiming “civil war is inevitable” in the UK. Advertisement The PM’s official spokesman said: “There’s no justification for comments like that and what we’ve seen in this country is organised illegal thuggery which has no place on our streets or online.” But responding to a video posted on X by Starmer in which he said the government “will not tolerate attacks on mosques or on Muslim communities”, Musk replied: “Shouldn’t you be concerned about attacks on all communities?” Earlier this month, Musk re-ignited the war of words by criticising the introduction of inheritance tax for agricultural land by Rachel Reeves in the Budget. Musk’s ongoing criticism of Starmer is a problem for the PM as he tries to strike up a good relationship with president-elect Trump. The X owner was one of the Republican’s biggest supporters during the US election campaign and has been appointed to head up a new Department of Government Efficiency aimed at tackling waste and saving trillions of dollars. Advertisement Related keir starmer elon musk Elon Musk's Weird Obsession With Keir Starmer Is Showing No Sign Of Going Away Elon Musk Has Gone To War With The UK Government Again - And That's A Big Problem For Starmer
ST. SIMONS ISLAND, Ga. (AP) — Maverick McNealy steadied himself after a rugged start Saturday with a 4-under 66 and caught up with Vince Whaley in a wild third round at the RSM Classic in which a half-dozen players had at least a share of the lead. Read this article for free: Already have an account? As we navigate through unprecedented times, our journalists are working harder than ever to bring you the latest local updates to keep you safe and informed. Now, more than ever, we need your support. Starting at $14.99 plus taxes every four weeks you can access your Brandon Sun online and full access to all content as it appears on our website. or call circulation directly at (204) 727-0527. Your pledge helps to ensure we provide the news that matters most to your community! ST. SIMONS ISLAND, Ga. (AP) — Maverick McNealy steadied himself after a rugged start Saturday with a 4-under 66 and caught up with Vince Whaley in a wild third round at the RSM Classic in which a half-dozen players had at least a share of the lead. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? ST. SIMONS ISLAND, Ga. (AP) — Maverick McNealy steadied himself after a rugged start Saturday with a 4-under 66 and caught up with Vince Whaley in a wild third round at the RSM Classic in which a half-dozen players had at least a share of the lead. McNealy looked as though he might have the lead when he hit wedge on the final hole that rolled just by the cup and settled 8 feet away. He missed the putt, still in great position to go after his first PGA Tour victory. Whaley, also winless on tour, birdied the 18th for a 63 and will be playing in the final group for the first time on the PGA Tour. McNealy, who joined him at 14-under 198, also shared the 54-hole lead in 2021 at the season opener in Napa, California. Whaley was playing with a sense of freedom not everyone has at the final PGA Tour event this year. He was playing on a medical extension and fulfilled the necessary points in July. The next step was finishing in the top 125 in the FedEx Cup. He secured that last week with a tie for fifth in the Bermuda Championship. Everything else feels like a bonus, and there could be no greater perk than a victory to get into the Masters and PGA Championship, along with a two-year exemption. “I’ve really got nothing to lose and everything to gain, so I’m just excited for the opportunity,” Whaley said. Opportunity abounds going into the final round. Daniel Berger shot a 63 and played his way into the final group, just two shots behind. He was tied with former Sea Island winner Mackenzie Hughes of Dundas, Ont., (65), Michael Thorbjornsen (67) and Patrick Fishburn (69). Adam Hadwin of Abbotsford, B.C., (71) dropped 23 spots to tie for 47th at 3 under. Adam Svensson of Surrey, B.C., (70) was 1 under. Berger and Thorbjornsen were among those who arrived at Sea Island outside the top 125, the number required to keep full status on tour on next year. Thorbjornsen already has that locked up as the No. 1 player in the PGA Tour University ranking. Berger needed a big week and he’s delivering, even though he says he doesn’t feel stress. Berger missed 19 months with a back injury that he feared might end his career. Now he’s healthy enough to have played 27 times this year. “Regardless when I play well, I’m going to be fine,” said Berger, who played in the 2021 Ryder Cup at Whistling Straits. “When you miss that much amount of time it takes a little bit of a while to get back. It’s just a matter of being patient and eventually good things come around.” Henrik Norlander and Hayden Springer, also on the wrong side of No. 125, each shot 63 and were among those tied for 12th, a position that currently would let them move into the top 125. Joel Dahmen, who had to make a 5-foot par putt on Friday to make the cut, shot 70 and was tied for 61st. He is at No. 124 and his future depends on a big round Sunday, along with how Thorbjornsen, Berger, Norlander and Springer fare. Closer to the top, eight players were separated by three shots. That includes Luke Clanton, the Florida State sophomore and No. 1 amateur in the world who already has three top-10 finishes on the PGA Tour and was going after another one. ___ AP golf: https://apnews.com/hub/golf Advertisement
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SPRINGFIELD — In the days after former President Donald Trump was reelected, Illinois Democrats raised alarms about the ramifications of his second term and said they would consider whether the state needs to strengthen any of its progressive laws on reproductive rights and other issues that might be threatened by an unfriendly White House. But the Democratic-led Illinois General Assembly adjourned its final session of the year without taking any meaningful steps in that direction, with some lawmakers saying more time is needed to consider what might be done. Republicans countered by accusing Democrats of considering legislation based only on assumptions about potential actions by the Trump administration. During their five-day fall veto session — legislators left town a day early in the first week — lawmakers did pass a measure to phase out a subminimum wage for people with disabilities, and moved forward on another aimed at making it easier for the state’s child welfare system to have a child’s family member serve as their legal guardian. Some bigger issues were pushed into next year, among them legislation adjusting the state’s pension system and a proposal to consolidate the Chicago area’s transit agencies. Following a lame duck session scheduled for Jan. 2-7, a new General Assembly will be seated on Jan. 8, and after that Gov. JB Pritzker and lawmakers will also need to confront a projected budget shortfall of nearly $3.2 billion for next year’s state budget. Pritzker last week announced he was part of an initiative called Governors Safeguarding Democracy with Colorado Gov. Jared Polis to leverage states’ rights against threats following Trump’s reelection. But Pritzker didn’t go the route of California Gov. Gavin Newsom, who directly asked his state’s general assembly to address Trump’s election in a special legislative session next month. Illinois’ Democratic lawmakers said figuring out exactly what to do will take some time, and that the just-completed session simply provided an opportunity to get discussions started. “So many people that we legislators represent, including ourselves, have so much anxiety about changes to come due to the incoming administration and we don’t know immediately what we can do in the state legislative arena, but we are already listening, talking about it and planning for it,” said Rep. Lindsey LaPointe, a Democrat from Chicago’s Northwest Side. “Those are complicated issues and once we start putting stuff on paper and talking about it publicly, we have to get it right.” Some of the issues being explored are in the areas of environmental protections, immigration and health care access, along with abortion, LGBTQ+ and workers’ rights. State Rep. Bob Morgan, a Democrat from Deerfield, believes he and his colleagues will be working on issues that address “preemptive, proactive protections” for Illinoisans. Morgan, who has a special interest in gun safety issues following a deadly mass shooting in his district at the 2022 Fourth of July parade in Highland Park, questioned whether President Joe Biden’s Office of Gun Violence Prevention would be on the chopping block and how that would affect Illinois. “When we start talking about policy to keep people safe, it really puts the pressure on states like Illinois to really figure out what can we do to reduce gun violence, and the opportunity to rely on the federal government will no longer be there,” Morgan said. Morgan was a main sponsor of Illinois’ sweeping gun ban that took effect in January 2023, but earlier this month was ruled unconstitutional by a federal judge who was appointed to the bench during Trump’s first term. House Republican leader Tony McCombie, who has been critical of the Democratic call for a legislative response to Trump’s approaching presidency, said Thursday she was against having a lame duck session if the Democrats don’t intend to pass any meaningful measures. “We do not need more time for out-of-touch Democrats to dream up harmful legislation,” said McCombie, of Savanna. “We need bipartisan legislation that focuses on the issues Illinois families care about most.” Republican Rep. Charlie Meier said Democrats shouldn’t be changing laws or passing laws “just because America’s doing what America does” by electing a new president. “They’re going to try to think what he might do before he even does it to create another law on the Illinois citizens that we may not need,” said Meier, of Okawville. “We are a state that has written so many laws, so many rules, that we are about the worst in unemployment in the country.” Among the measures lawmakers did move to Pritzker’s desk during the brief session was a heavily debated bill to phase out subminimum wage for disabled workers over the next five years. Federal law allows some employers to pay disabled workers less than minimum wage. In Illinois, some disabled workers are paid less than a dollar an hour, according to the bill’s advocates. Erin Compton, a student who identified as having an intellectual disability, testified in favor of the bill in committee, saying she has held several jobs including in research and as a ticket scanner for the Cubs. “Some people say that having a job isn’t for me, because I’m not smart enough or good enough to work, but I was given opportunities to work in the community and have to have a fair wage,” Compton said. Pritzker praised the legislation, calling it an “unprecedented, crucial leap forward” for disabled people to earn a fair wage. “Far too often, people with disabilities still endure barriers to employment and discrimination in the workplace,” he said in a statement. “Many are paid subminimum wages that devalue their contributions and diminish their likelihood to secure meaningful work and participate in other life-enhancing activities.” While the bill passed with bipartisan support, opponents including Republican Sen. Chapin Rose of Mahomet warned it could lead to a loss of opportunities for some disabled people. Another measure that has bipartisan support provides additional incentives for relatives of children in the care of the Illinois Department of Children and Family Services to maintain a home for the youths as an alternative to the children being placed in foster care with nonfamily members. It passed with no opposition in the Senate on Thursday after passing 113-0 in the House last spring. But because of an amendment that was attached to the bill by the Senate, it has to go back to the House for what will likely be the bill’s final vote. The legislation requires DCFS to seek federal funding to start a “kinship navigator program” to assist relatives who are caregivers with the agency and increase financial support to those relatives. According to the American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois, which pushed for the measure, more than 10,000 children in DCFS care live with relatives, but over 60% of these caregivers are denied the foster care benefits necessary to care for a youth being placed in their household because state law requires them to meet complex standards that were put in place decades ago. “Current licensing procedures create unnecessary roadblocks to financial assistance for relatives serving as caregivers,” Sen. Mattie Hunter, a Chicago Democrat who was a chief sponsor of the measure, said in a statement. “Research shows children are better off when they can maintain connections to their families and traditions. We need to provide these families with the support they need to make this possible.” The veto session was also an opportunity for lobbyists, unions and other advocates to make last-minute pushes to get their bill proposals on lawmakers’ agendas. On the second day of the veto session, thousands descended on the state Capitol for a rally highlighting their concerns over changes made to Illinois’ beleaguered pension system 13 years ago. Workers hired after Jan. 1, 2011, were placed into a “Tier 2” system that offered reduced benefits compared with other employees hired before that date. The overall goal of creating the Tier 2 plan was to shrink a pension debt that now runs to about $141 billion. But benefits paid out under the Tier 2 system at some point won’t equal to what Social Security would provide to those employees, a violation of a federal “safe harbor” law. This would require Illinois to pay large sums in Social Security taxes instead of operating its own pension system which, while still costly, allows the state more flexibility. At the rally, proponents cheered and bellowed chants calling for equality in the state’s pension system. “We are union people. We believe people doing the same job, a fair day’s work, deserve a fair day’s pay, whether that’s in your paycheck, your benefits or your retirement security in a pension,” Pat Devaney, secretary-treasurer of the Illinois AFL-CIO, said to the crowd. “So what happened over the years? Politicians, state governments, local governments came up with schemes to underfund the pensions, take pension holidays, use other gimmicks to cause stress in the system.” The state’s perennial pension problems are among several budgetary matters that will likely be taken up in the coming months by the legislature, along with how to deal with a $730 million fiscal cliff for Chicago-area public transit once federal pandemic aid dries up in early 2026 and whether to set aside more state funding for Chicago’s public school system. Other unresolved issues include gun safety measures that Democrats haven’t been able to bring over the finish line. Legislation often referred to as “Karina’s Bill,” named after Chicago resident Karina Gonzalez, who, along with her 15-year-old daughter, was shot and killed by her husband last year, would require police to remove guns from people who have orders of protection against them, clarifying when and how authorities can confiscate such firearms. As it stands, firearms aren’t always taken from people in those situations even if the firearm owner’s identification card is revoked. Illinois lawmakers could weigh a proposal to create a statewide office to help under-resourced public defenders. One of the proposal’s goals is to address the lack of public defense resources in rural areas, many of which don’t even have a public defender’s office. The measure also seeks to address disparities in the resources allotted to county prosecutors and public defenders. For example, Cook County’s 2024 budget provided about $102 million for its public defender’s office, and about $205 million for its state’s attorney’s office. Other unresolved issues range from whether to allow all dispensaries to sell medical cannabis to legalizing medical aid in dying, often referred to as physician-assisted suicide or medically assisted death. This proposal would give mentally competent, terminally ill adults the right to choose to end their lives by allowing these patients the right to access life-ending prescription medication. Gov. JB Pritzker, Sen. Dick Durbin and others speak about U.S. EPA grants on Nov. 15. Get Government & Politics updates in your inbox! Stay up-to-date on the latest in local and national government and political topics with our newsletter.When life gets tough, many of us find it hard to lift our voices in praise. Honestly, during challenging and painful times, praise often feels like the last thing we want to do. It’s easy to let our emotions dictate our response, but as believers, we are called to live differently. We are meant to praise God not only when things are going well, but especially in our most difficult moments. It's during these struggles that our praise can have the greatest impact. The story of Paul and Silas in Acts 16 serves as a powerful testament to this truth. In Acts 16, we see Paul and Silas facing severe consequences after freeing a slave girl from a spirit of divination. If you’ve never read the story, I encourage you to check it out; it’s pretty cool. Instead of receiving gratitude, they were beaten and thrown into the innermost prison, their feet locked in stocks. In that dark place, they had every reason to complain or fall into despair. I’m sure you’ve been there before, in a dark season where you feel stuck and see no way out. Yet, at midnight, they made a bold choice: they began to pray and sing hymns to God. Their decision to worship — a deliberate act of faith — stands in stark contrast to the natural inclination to grumble when faced with hardship. As Christians, we must recognize two essential truths when navigating trials. First, spiritual opposition is a part of our journey. The Christian life isn’t a cruise ship; it’s more like a battleship. Facing challenges comes with the territory, and understanding that we’re in a spiritual battle equips us to withstand those difficulties. Second, trials are not random; they are part of God’s divine plan. Like Paul and Silas, we will encounter obstacles, but these experiences are tailored for our growth and provide an opportunity to glorify God. Through these trials, God teaches us resilience and deepens our faith. When we choose to praise in the midst of adversity, we activate a powerful force. The praise of Paul and Silas was the sound of hope in the den of despair, leading to an incredible miracle—an earthquake that opened doors and unfastened their chains. Their worship wasn’t just a way to cope; it became a catalyst for God’s power to break through. This profound act of faith not only liberated them but also captivated the attention of the jailer, who soon sought salvation, bringing his entire household to faith. I imagine that God and the angels of heaven looked upon these men, amazed that they approached their situation as Job did. Do you remember Job’s words? He said, “Though He slay me, I will hope in Him.” Throughout the Scriptures, we find many instances where people could have easily given up, blamed God for their situation, and abandoned their walk with Jesus. But not Paul and Silas. They followed in the same steps of faith and praised God in the middle of their suffering. How about you? How do you handle the pain of life? How do you deal with unexpected changes in your plans? How do you behave when things go in a completely opposite direction from what you expected? I wish I could say I’ve never grumbled or complained or had a lousy attitude when I was in a bad place, but I’d be lying. Over and over again, I’ve failed the test and had to repent for my perspective. My feelings are real. Your feelings are real. Life hurts—I get it. But here’s the thing: we haven’t been called to live by our feelings; we’ve been called to live by faith and to learn to praise in the middle of our prison seasons. By God’s grace, we learn to adopt a new perspective—one that humbly admits that we don’t have the right to get sour when God has been so good to us. Let me ask you: has God been good to you? I wonder what would happen if you chose to thank Him and praise Him when it’s the last thing you felt like doing. I’m willing to bet you would find the foundation of your situation changing, just as Paul and Silas experienced their prison walls shaking and soon discovered the freedom that comes from breaking the shackles of negativity. As we reflect on our lives, let’s consider the “prisons” we may be facing. What burdens can we break free from through praise? How can we intentionally offer thanks even when it's challenging? The discipline of praise is not just about enduring tough times; it’s about actively choosing gratitude in the face of adversity. By lifting our voices in worship, we honor God, demonstrate our faith, and hopefully inspire those around us to do the same. In every season, let us remember the power of praise—it can transform our struggles into stepping stones toward deeper faith and new opportunities for witnessing God’s goodness.
Lopsided loss sinks the reeling Saints further into evaluation mode
Gettman kicks go-ahead FG as Villanova ends Delaware's FCS-era with a 38-28 win in finaleIt’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump's support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump's victory came together: Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden's total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion's share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden's mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn't only Harris' shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states' broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump's team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump's political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris' candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump's support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump's team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump's focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden's 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris' improvement in Milwaukee's suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign's senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you're going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona's most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden's total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. The biggest leaps to the right weren't taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan's Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris', the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy," said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said.