By BILL BARROW, Associated Press PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter’s in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter’s path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That’s a very narrow way of assessing them,” Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn’t suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he’d be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter’s tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter’s lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor’s race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama’s segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival’s endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King’s daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters’ early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan’s presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan’s Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.NEW YORK (AP) — A gunman killed UnitedHealthcare’s CEO on Wednesday in a “brazen, targeted attack” outside a Manhattan hotel where the health insurer was holding its investor conference, police said, setting off a massive search for the fleeing assailant hours before the annual Rockefeller Center Christmas tree lighting nearby. Brian Thompson, 50, was shot around 6:45 a.m. as he walked alone to the New York Hilton Midtown from a nearby hotel, police said. The shooter appeared to be “lying in wait for several minutes” before approaching Thompson from behind and opening fire , New York City Police Commissioner Jessica Tisch said. Police had not yet established a motive. “Many people passed the suspect, but he appeared to wait for his intended target,” Tisch said, adding that the shooting "does not appear to be a random act of violence.” Surveillance video reviewed by investigators shows someone emerging from behind a parked car, pointing a gun at Thompson’s back, then firing multiple times from several feet away. The gunman continues firing, interrupted by a brief gun jam, as Thompson stumbles forward and falls to the sidewalk. He then walks past Thompson and out of the frame. “From watching the video, it does seem that he’s proficient in the use of firearms as he was able to clear the malfunctions pretty quickly,” NYPD Chief of Detectives Joseph Kenny said. Thompson was shot at least once in the back and once in the calf, Tisch said. The shooter, who wore a jacket, face mask and large backpack, fled through Midtown on foot before pedaling an electric bike into Central Park a few blocks away, police said. The assailant remained at large Wednesday afternoon, sparking a search that included police drones, helicopters and dogs. “Brian was a highly respected colleague and friend to all who worked with him,” the insurer’s Minnetonka, Minnesota-based parent company, UnitedHealth Group Inc., said in a statement. "We are working closely with the New York Police Department and ask for your patience and understanding during this difficult time.” Police issued a poster showing a surveillance image of the man pointing what appeared to be a gun and another image that appeared to show the same person on a bicycle. Minutes before the shooting, he stopped at a nearby Starbucks, according to additional surveillance photos released by police on Wednesday afternoon. They offered a reward of up to $10,000 for information leading to an arrest and conviction. Thompson’s wife, Paulette Thompson, told NBC News that he told her “there were some people that had been threatening him.” She didn’t have details but suggested the threats may have involved issues with insurance coverage. Eric Werner, the police chief in the Minneapolis suburb where Thompson lived, said his department had not received any reports of threats against the executive. The killing shook a part of New York City that's normally quiet at that hour, happening about four blocks from where tens of thousands of people were set to gather for Wednesday night’s tree lighting. Police promised extra security for the event. The hotel is also a short walk from other tourist sites, including the Museum of Modern Art and Radio City Music Hall, and is often dense with office workers and visitors on weekday mornings. Many security cameras are nearby. “We’re encouraging New Yorkers to go about their daily lives and their daily business but to be alert,” NYPD Chief of Department Jeffrey Maddrey said. Investigators recovered several 9 mm shell casings from outside the hotel and a cellphone from the alleyway through which the shooter fled. They were also searching Thompson's hotel room, interviewing his UnitedHealthcare colleagues and reviewing his social media, Kenny said. Police initially said the shooter rode into Central Park on a bicycle from the city’s bike-share program, CitiBike. But a spokesperson for the program’s operator, Lyft, said police officials informed the company Wednesday afternoon that the bike was not from the CitiBike fleet. Health care giant UnitedHealth Group was holding its annual meeting with investors to update Wall Street on the company's direction and expectations for the coming year. The company ended the conference early in the wake of Thompson's death. “I’m afraid that we — some of you may know we’re dealing with a very serious medical situation with one of our team members,” a company official told attendees, according to a transcript. “And as a result, I’m afraid we’re going to have to bring to a close the event today. ... I’m sure you’ll understand.” Thompson, a father of two sons, had been with the company since 2004 and served as CEO for more than three years. UnitedHealthcare is the largest provider of Medicare Advantage plans in the U.S. and manages health insurance coverage for employers and state-and federally funded Medicaid programs. Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz posted on the social platform X that the state is “sending our prayers to Brian’s family and the UnitedHealthcare team.” “This is horrifying news and a terrible loss for the business and health care community in Minnesota,” the Democrat wrote. Associated Press writers Tom Murphy in Indianapolis, Steve Karnowski in St. Paul, Minnesota, and Anthony Izaguirre in Albany, New York, contributed to this story.Bauchi State governor, Bala Mohammed, on Thursday, said President Bola Tinubu’s tax policies is “anti-northern” Nigerian and threatened that the region would show its “true colours.” According to him, the Tax Reforms Bills are aimed at favouring just a section of the country and shortchanging northern Nigeria, threatening that “we would show our true colour, we will fight for it.” Mohammed, who is the Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) Governors Forum, is known for his opposition to Tinubu’s economic reforms which he has been saying were against the interest of Nigerians. Speaking when he received the Christian Community in Bauchi State who visited him at the Government House on Wednesday for the annual Christmas homage, the Governor called on the President to listen to the people and change the “anti-people” policies. He stressed that no policy should be imposed on the people because Nigeria does not operate an oligarchy system of government or a military rule. “I call on you to pray for Nigeria and pray for all the leaders of Nigeria including my humble self because Nigeria needs prayers. We are facing difficulties. There is a lot of wahala, there is a lot of hunger and it is something that we have to pray for God to obliterate. We have to say it but certainly, we are not insulting anybody. “We are calling on the presidency and the Federal Government to change their style. Whenever a policy is not popular, they should listen to the people, they should not be arrogant and think that whatever we bring, must be. This is not an oligarchy, this is not a military rule, they must listen to the people and that is what makes a good leader. “And we pledge to be loyal to them but anything they are doing contrary to that, they are calling for anarchy, they are calling for intransigence and it is unacceptable. There are a lot of wahala, we must work together across the party lines, across the tiers of government to provide succour and solace to the Nigerian people.” Mohammed further said: “It is not about pride or ego, we must be able to do things that people will be assisted with because whatever it is, the situation was not like this before. If the situation was bad before I came, tell me! And I must change and that is why the presidency must listen to the cries about Tax Reform. “It is not a good policy for northern Nigeria because we are not going to get money to pay you salaries, to do roads. They must listen, otherwise, they are calling for anarchy. And that is not good. READ ALSO: Dogara’s attacks on Gov Bala desperate bid for Tinubu’s favour — Aide “We voted for the presidency in this State and other states, they must listen to us. They must not come up with policies that favour only one section of the country or even one state in the country. It is not about religion, it is not about tribe, it is about national unity, it is about national hegemony and this is what we are all about, good leadership. “We will continue to be loyal for the time being, if the situation persists, they will see our real colour, we are going to fight for it. “We are not afraid of them, even if it’s the President, we are not afraid of them, except that we only show respect. Whether it is a traditional institution, or it is the Federal Government or it is the President, honestly, we are not afraid of them but we can only show our obedience and respect to leadership. But we will not allow anyone to denigrate us. “People are suffering and are hungry. They need to look at their leadership style. Leadership is listening to the people and being sensitive to their feelings, leadership is doing what the people want. But I appeal to you (Nigerians) that since we’ve endured to this point, we should continue to be more patient because living in peace is what we need. “We should continue to pray for the President and his government that God will make them listen, may God make them change their minds and policies in a way that will be beneficial to all Nigerians, in a way that will drive away hunger, the insults, insecurity and all the things they want to bring that will cause division among Nigerians,” he stated. Mohammed expressed appreciation to the Christian Community in Bauchi State for the support to him throughout his sojourn in politics, saying that whatever he does for them is only a reciprocation of what they’ve been doing to him for decades.
Day one on the cruise ship Viking Jupiter in Buenos Aires and the atmosphere quivers with passion. Tango Cervila dance company has come on board. The music moans, high heels rattle the stage of the ship’s theatre, long legs extend from red dresses. I’m electrified out of my jet lag. A short pause, like the sigh of the unrequited, and then the audience stands to applaud. This is a worthy opener to a cruise from Buenos Aires around the toe of South America to Valparaiso in Chile. I’ll find abundant passion of all sorts on this cruise. Next day we meet our local guide Agostina, who is passionate about Argentine history. She’s a diminutive firecracker with an eyebrow ring; she rolls her Rs as if about to burst into song. Local colour in Beunos Aires. Down in La Boca district, she and other locals are obsessed with Argentinian football heroes. Diego Maradona and Lionel Messi are plastered on T-shirts and fridge magnets, and depicted like church icons on building walls brightly painted in team colours. Next day, I discover Uruguayans are passionate about their version of carnival, and lose themselves in drumming and dancing. We’ve docked in Montevideo, a capital with character. The old town has down-at-heel Mediterranean squares and dusty bakeries, but its stirring statues of revolutionary generals are distinctively South American. Our guide Mirtha, whose husband is Australian, endearingly talks everything up in the habit of people from obscure countries. The Uruguayan carnival lasts longer than Brazil’s. The parliament building is a world wonder. That obelisk is beautiful! We Uruguayans are great at football! A statue of Uruguayan hero General Artigas in Plaza Independencia, Montevideo. Credit: Alamy Who doesn’t enjoy such passion? I feel I’m a convert to all things Uruguayan and, as we sail away and I tuck into a hearty Florentine steak in the ship’s Manfredi’s restaurant, I feel I must come back to Uruguay one day for more. This Viking cruise connects disparate places: big cities, windblown ports, isolated islands. It opens on the warm, sluggish, muddy River Plate but culminates in frozen Patagonia. It sails out into the Atlantic and finishes in the Pacific. I’ve been on many cruises, but none quite like this one for variety and unexpectedness. Buenos Aires was hot and steamy: buildings have sub-tropical stains, jacarandas flourish, lovers slump on park benches. But as Viking Jupiter slides southwards, the Argentine coast becomes dry and scrubby. The surrounds of Puerto Madryn could be South Australia if it weren’t for the snooty guanacos, and flamingos bent like question marks above small lagoons. It could equally be a flat Wales. In Puerto Madryn I encounter another unexpected passion on a shore excursion: locals fiercely proud of their Welsh immigrant heritage. But wistful, weary Argentina doesn’t really feel like anywhere else. It’s one of those one-of-a-kind places every traveller hopes for. Its capital has old-world glamour and dainty coffee shops, while its countryside celebrates macho cowboy culture and barbecues. Its people are proud and passionate and don’t forget their history. At every port, we’re fervently reminded that the Islas Malvinas, or Falkland Islands, ought to be Argentine. Monuments to dead soldiers sit on every windy waterfront like sore teeth the Argentines can’t help poking. I detect passion in the subjects of our onboard lectures: working-class heroine and president’s wife Eva Peron, legendary tango singer Carlos Gardel, former revolutionary and prisoner turned Uruguayan president Jose “Pepe” Mujica. As we sail the Atlantic on a day at sea, guest Argentinian lecturer Kevin Saslavchik provides a balanced view of the 1982 Falklands War and its causes, in which he includes fascinating video clips including the opinions of a Falklands islander and an Argentine war veteran. And then we’re sailing into the Falkland Islands themselves. Low, scraped lumps of rock recede to high hills. We tender into Port Stanley past fishing ships: 50 per cent of Spain’s calamari comes from these waters. Gentoo penguins on the beach in the Falkland Islands. Credit: Getty Images Port Stanley is, much like everywhere else in the South Atlantic – eccentric. Locals celebrate a midwinter plunge into 5C water to get a Certificate of Lunacy signed by the governor. Red pillar post boxes are still stamped with George VI’s initials. Our guide Tim lost an eye when the RAF accidentally bombed his farmhouse. Local ladies sell jam made from red teaberries, and penguins waddle on the beaches. As we leave, two sea lions appear on the pier to bask in the sun. The light is beautiful as the ship sails, giving a glow to the low green vegetation, and a yellow sheen to the Falklands’ exposed rock, teasing out the beauty of this wild and grim place. Patagonia is nipping at my ears and sneaking under my jacket as I pace the deck on our way back to continental South America. Viking Jupiter’s relaxed spa – a retreat of style without fuss – is the place to warm up with a plunge into its Scandinavian-style hot tub or a session in its sauna. Then I flop into the warm-water swimming pool. South America ends in scoured rock and salty winds, snowy mountains and smelly sea lions. We dock in Ushuaia, where tours and restaurants and shops all market themselves as The End of the World. Buenos Aires is 3000 kilometres away, Antarctica 1000 kilometres, and a sky swollen with dark clouds presses down like a lid. Ushuaia – the southernmost city in Argentina. The scenery is Alaskan, but Ushuaia’s bright yellow church and red-roofed buildings might have been teleported from Mexico. The wind is on a mission to blow me into the harbour. I’m surprised to discover Ushuaia was established as a penal colony. A Viking guide takes us to the old prison, a grim, cramped and frigid place that must have seemed as remote as Port Arthur in Tasmania to its 19th-century inmates. Ushuaia is an unprepossessing town of ankle-breaking pavements, shabby buildings and an air of neglect, but it exhilarates me. The landscapes here have chilly passion. They can seduce you or, as they did to early European explorers, chew you up and spit you out. Viking Jupiter isn’t shaken by the Strait of Magellan nor the Chilean fjords. We glide through scenery of distant mountains, volcanoes like witch’s hats, glaciers like crumbled meringue. Seabirds gather like extras in a Hitchcock movie. I barely see a house, a boat, a sign of life. Only in the Australian outback have I seen such empty vastness. Even the ship’s officers come out on deck to stare, as if mesmerised. Valparaiso – a rickety madness of time-worn buildings. Distances are big, and this cruise has quite a few days at sea. The hours seem short, however. Viking is the thinking person’s cruise company. Bookshelves are well stocked with history and travel books, and every ship hosts a resident historian. Ours is Geoff Peters, formerly of the Royal Australian Navy, who covers local history and maritime exploits and engages guest in Q&A sessions. Guests scurry from wildlife watching to astronomy lectures, mahjong competitions to afternoon tea in the Wintergarden. One day at the Pool Grill, waiters serve churrascaria-style grilled meat as a band plays. Chile feels different from Argentina. Punta Arenas, Ushuaia’s rival, is more polished. The tour coaches are better, the sights more tourist-trim. The town centre is full of weatherbeaten old mansions built on the wool and gold booms of the 19th century. I hike into Magellan’s Strait Park with enthusiastic guide Bartolo. His passion is for birds and endemic plants, and such is his enthusiasm that I find myself becoming entranced by meadowlarks and lichens amid the outsized scenery. Our final port, Valparaiso, in contrast to Punta Arenas, is a rickety madness of time-worn buildings, street markets and graffitied neighbourhoods that cling to steep hillsides. There’s no city planning at all, observes our local Viking guide Ervands with a chuckle, as if he approves. But who cares? Valparaiso too has passion. You can see it in the explosion of street art, the wanton bougainvillaea, the blaring music and mad clamour in every plaza. This is a city unlike any of the others we’ve visited: a suitable end to a cruise for those who think they’ve seen it all. THE DETAILS Viking Jupiter at sea. CRUISE Viking Cruises’ 18-day South America & Chilean Fjords cruise between Buenos Aires and Santiago (Valparaiso) visits Argentina, Uruguay, the Falkland Islands and Chile, and sails iconic maritime destinations such as the Beagle Channel, Cape Horn and the Strait of Magellan. BOOK There are eight departures between November 2024 and March 2025, from $9995 a person including accommodation, all meals and meal-time drinks, Wi-Fi, gratuities and a complimentary shore excursion in each port. See vikingcruises.com.au MORE argentina.travel uruguaynatural.com falklandislands.com chile.travel The writer was a guest of Viking Cruises.‘World at dawn of third nuclear age’, armed forces chief warns
Apple's new BFF, Broadcom, reveals three hyperscalers want to deploy 1,000,000 GPUs or XPUs by 2027; something that will make Nvidia winceTech entrepreneur Elon Musk caused uproar after backing Germany’s far-right party in a major newspaper ahead of key parliamentary elections in the Western European country, leading to the resignation of the paper’s opinion editor in protest. Germany is to vote in an early election on Feb 23 after Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s three-party governing coalition collapsed last month in a dispute over how to revitalize the country’s stagnant economy. Musk's guest opinion piece for Welt am Sonntag — a sister publication of POLITICO owned by the Axel Springer Group — published in German over the weekend, was the second time this month he supported the Alternative for Germany, or AfD. “The Alternative for Germany (AfD) is the last spark of hope for this country," Musk wrote in his translated commentary. He went on to say the far-right party “can lead the country into a future where economic prosperity, cultural integrity and technological innovation are not just wishes, but reality.” The Tesla Motors CEO also wrote that his investment in Germany gave him the right to comment on the country's condition. The AfD is polling strongly, but its candidate for the top job, Alice Weidel, has no realistic chance of becoming chancellor because other parties refuse to work with the far-right party. An ally of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, the technology billionaire challenged in his opinion piece the party's public image. “The portrayal of the AfD as right-wing extremist is clearly false, considering that Alice Weidel, the party’s leader, has a same-sex partner from Sri Lanka! Does that sound like Hitler to you? Please!” Musk’s commentary has led to a debate in German media over the boundaries of free speech, with the paper's own opinion editor announcing her resignation, pointedly on Musk's social media platform, X. “I always enjoyed leading the opinion section of WELT and WAMS. Today an article by Elon Musk appeared in Welt am Sonntag. I handed in my resignation yesterday after it went to print," Eva Marie Kogel wrote. The newspaper was also attacked by politicians and other media for offering Musk, an outsider, a platform to express his views, in favor of the AfD. Candidate for chancellor, Friedrich Merz, of the Christian Democratic Union, said Sunday that Musk's comments were “intrusive and presumptuous”. He was speaking to the newspapers of the German Funke Media Group. Co-leader of the Social Democratic Party, Saskia Esken said that “Anyone who tries to influence our election from outside, who supports an anti-democratic, misanthropic party like the AfD, whether the influence is organized by the state from Russia or by the concentrated financial and media power of Elon Musk and his billionaire friends on the Springer board, must expect our tough resistance,” according to the ARD national public TV network. Musk's opinion piece in the Welt am Sonntag was accompanied by a critical article by the future editor-in-chief of the Welt group, Jan Philipp Burgard. “Musk’s diagnosis is correct, but his therapeutic approach, that only the AfD can save Germany, is fatally wrong,” Burgard wrote. Responding to a request for comment from the German Press Agency, dpa, the current editor-in-chief of the Welt group, Ulf Poschardt, and Burgard — who is due to take over on Jan. 1 — said in a joint statement that the discussion over Musk's piece was "very insightful. Democracy and journalism thrive on freedom of expression.” “This will continue to determine the compass of the “world” in the future. We will develop “Die Welt” even more decisively as a forum for such debates,” they wrote to dpa.
Croatia's President Zoran Milanovic will face conservative rival Dragan Primorac in an election run-off in two weeks' time after the incumbent narrowly missed out an outright victory on Sunday, official results showed. The results came after an exit poll, released immediately after the polling stations closed, showed that Milanovic, backed by the opposition left-wing Social Democrats, had scooped more than 50 percent of the first round vote and would thus avoid the January 12 run-off. Milanovic won 49.1 percent of the first round vote and Primorac, backed by the ruling conservative HDZ party, took 19.35 percent, according to results released by the state electoral commission from nearly all of the polling stations. On Sunday evening, Milanovic pledged to his supporters who gathered in Zagreb to "fight for Croatia with a clear stance, one that takes care of its interests". Such a strong lead for Milanovic, whom surveys labelled a favourite ahead of the vote, raises serious concerns for Prime Minister Andrej Plenkovic's HDZ. Late on Sunday, Primorac labelled the big difference between him and Milanovic a "challenge". "In the first round there were... a lot of candidates, it was not easy to present the programme fully. Now it's a great opportunity that Milanovic and I be one on one... to see who represents what," Primorac told his supporters in Zagreb. The election came as the European Union and NATO member country of 3.8 million people struggles with biting inflation, widespread corruption and a labour shortage. Among the eight contenders, centre-right MP Marija Selak Raspudic and green-left MP Ivana Kekin followed the two main rivals, the exit poll showed. The two women each won around nine percent of the vote. The president commands the Balkan country's armed forces and has a say in foreign policy. But despite limited powers, many believe the office is key for the political balance of power in a country mainly governed by the HDZ since independence in 1991. "All the eggs should not be in one basket," Nenad Horvat, a salesman in his 40s, told AFP. He sees Milanovic, a former leftist prime minister, as the "last barrier to all levers of power falling into the hands of HDZ", echoing the view of many that was reflected in Sunday's vote results. More from this section The 58-year-old Milanovic has been one of Croatia's leading and most colourful political figures for nearly two decades. Sharp and eloquent, he won the presidency for the Social Democrats (SDP) in 2020 with pledges to advocate tolerance and liberalism. But he used the office to attack political opponents and EU officials, often with offensive and populist rhetoric. Milanovic, who condemned Russia's aggression against Ukraine, has nonetheless criticised the West's military aid to Kyiv. That prompted the prime minister to label him a pro-Russian who is "destroying Croatia's credibility in NATO and the EU". Milanovic countered that he wanted to protect Croatia from being "dragged into war". Milanovic regularly pans Plenkovic and his HDZ party over systemic corruption, calling the premier a "serious threat to Croatia's democracy". Speaking on Sunday, Milanovic said that in the current global situation, all political stakeholders in the country should be "on the same side as much as possible, at least when it comes to fundamental issues such as the national security or borders". For many, the election is a continuation of the longstanding feud between two powerful politicians. "This is still about the conflict between the prime minister and president," political analyst Zarko Puhovski told AFP. "All the rest are just incidental topics." Primorac, a 59-year-old physician and scientist returning to politics after 15 years, campaigned as a "unifier" promoting family values and patriotism. ljv/bc
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