Galactic ingenuity: A knifemaker's quest to build a life-sized viperNew polling shows Kemi Badenoch's path to power
The world's most climate-imperilled nations stormed out of consultations in protest at the deadlocked UN COP29 conference Saturday, as simmering tensions over a hard-fought finance deal erupted into the open. Diplomats from small island nations threatened by rising seas and impoverished African states angrily filed out of a meeting with summit hosts Azerbaijan over a final deal being thrashed out in a Baku sports stadium. "We've just walked out. We came here to this COP for a fair deal. We feel that we haven't been heard," said Cedric Schuster, the Samoan chairman of the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS). An unpublished version of the final text circulating in Baku, and seen by AFP, proposes that rich nations raise to $300 billion a year by 2035 their commitment to poorer countries to fight climate change. COP29 hosts Azerbaijan intended to put a final draft before 198 nations for adoption or rejection on Saturday evening, a full day after the marathon summit officially ended. But, in a statement, AOSIS said it had "removed" itself from the climate finance discussions, demanding an "inclusive" process. "If this cannot be the case, it becomes very difficult for us to continue our involvement here at COP29," it said. Sierra Leone's climate minister Jiwoh Abdulai, whose country is among the world's poorest, said the draft was "effectively a suicide pact for the rest of the world". An earlier offer from rich nations of $250 billion was slammed as offensively low by developing countries, who have demanded much higher sums to build resilience against climate change and cut emissions. UK Energy Secretary Ed Miliband said the revised offer of $300 billion was "a significant scaling up" of the existing pledge by developed nations, which also count the United States, European Union and Japan among their ranks. At sunset, a final text still proved elusive, as harried diplomats ran to-and-fro in the stadium near the Caspian Sea searching for common ground. "Hopefully this is the storm before the calm," said US climate envoy John Podesta in the corridors as somebody shouted "shame" in his direction. Earlier, the EU's climate commissioner Wopke Hoekstra said negotiators were not out of the woods yet. "We're doing everything we can on each of the axes to build bridges and to make this into a success. But it is iffy whether we will succeed," he said. Ali Mohamed, the Kenyan chair of the African Group of Negotiators, told AFP: "No deal is better than a bad deal." South African environment minister Dion George, however, said: "I think being ambitious at this point is not going to be very useful." "What we are not up for is going backwards or standing still," he said. "We might as well just have stayed at home then." The revised offer from rich countries came with conditions in other parts of the broader climate deal under discussion in Azerbaijan. The EU in particular wants an annual review on global efforts to phase out fossil fuels, which are the main drivers of global warming. This has run into opposition from Saudi Arabia, which has sought to water down a landmark pledge to transition away from oil, gas and coal made at COP28 last year. "We will not allow the most vulnerable, especially the small island states, to be ripped off by the new, few rich fossil fuel emitters," said German Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock. Wealthy nations counter that it is politically unrealistic to expect more in direct government funding. The US earlier this month elected former president Donald Trump, a sceptic of both climate change and foreign assistance, and a number of other Western countries have seen right-wing backlashes against the green agenda. A coalition of more than 300 activist groups accused historic polluters most responsible for climate change of skirting their obligation, and urged developing nations to stand firm. The draft deal posits a larger overall target of $1.3 trillion per year to cope with rising temperatures and disasters, but most would come from private sources. Even $300 billion would be a step up from the $100 billion now provided by wealthy nations under a commitment set to expire. A group of developing countries had demanded at least $500 billion, with some saying that increases were less than met the eye due to inflation. Experts commissioned by the United Nations to assess the needs of developing countries said $250 billion was "too low" and by 2035 rich nations should be providing at least $390 billion. The US and EU have wanted newly wealthy emerging economies like China -- the world's largest emitter -- to chip in. China, which remains classified as a developing nation under the UN framework, provides climate assistance but wants to keep doing so on its own voluntary terms. bur-np-sct/lth/givEJ Farmer scores 16 as Youngstown State defeats Detroit Mercy 73-64
Jimmy Carter, 39th U.S. president, Nobel winner, dies at 100Our top photos from the MHSAA D2 football semifinal between East Lansing and Byron Center
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No. 25 Illinois' TD with four seconds left upends RutgersLiberty Media Acquisition (OTCMKTS:LMACU) Stock Price Up 0.3% – What’s Next?Stock for Sale by Cabinet MembersSupport for Kemi Badenoch is almost as strong among Reform UK supporters as within the Tory tribe, the latest Savanta polling shows. Fifty-nine per cent of people who voted Tory in the summer election think she would make a better prime minister than Sir Keir Starmer , as do 57 per cent of those who voted Reform. A key challenge for the Tory leader is winning over people who supported Nigel Farage ’s party in July. Just four per cent of Reform backers think Sir Keir would be the finer PM, with the rest undecided. Among all respondents, 39 per cent think the Labour leader has what it takes to be the best prime minister, with 26 per cent opting for Mrs Badenoch. However, Chris Hopkins, political research director at Savanta, saw a silver lining for the Tory leader, suggesting this “isn’t a bad position to start from”. He said that “Starmer trailed Boris Johnson by more than 20 points at the start of his own tenure as party leader”. While 41 per cent of Britons said they disliked both Sir Keir and his policies, just 29 per cent said this of Mrs Badenoch. And 37 per cent disliked both the Labour leader and his party, with one in three saying this of the leader of the opposition. Mr Hopkins said: “At the start of Starmer’s tenure, just 23 per cent of the public said they disliked both Starmer and his party, 10 points lower than it is for Badenoch now. Reversing your own party’s fortunes from opposition is easier said than done, but will be made harder for Badenoch by her own low personal favourability down at -10. “Badenoch needs the vast majority of people still to make up their minds about her to end up actively liking her, and history tells us that almost no politician ends up achieving such a feat.” Exclusive polling by Ipsos shows one of the biggest challenges facing the Tory frontbench is invisibility. Nearly half of Britons (46 per cent) could not recall reading or hearing about leading Conservatives other than Mrs Badenoch “in the past couple of weeks”. Priti Patel, the Shadow Foreign Secretary, had the highest profile, with 32 per cent saying they had noticed her. She was quickly followed by Shadow Justice Secretary Robert Jenrick (31 per cent), with Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride (15 per cent), Shadow Education Secretary Laura Trott (12 per cent) and Shadow Environment Secretary Victoria Atkins (seven per cent) coming in further behind. The polling conducted on November 8-11 found only one in 25 people could remember Shadow Energy Secretary Claire Coutinho or Shadow Leader of the Commons Jesse Norman coming onto their radar. Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury Richard Fuller made an impression on just three per cent of respondents. And a mere one in 50 had noticed the likes of Shadow Defence Secretary James Cartlidge or Science Secretary Alan Mak. Mrs Badenoch will hope that as the MPs bed into their shadow cabinet roles and take on Sir Keir’s team their profiles will rise. A former Tory minister acknowledged the difficulty of winning the limelight after a lost election, saying: “It’s never easy because governments get all the attention, particularly in the wake of elections. We’re still in that period where everyone is interested in the Government. “That’s the price you pay for going into Opposition.” The highest-profile Labour MP other than the Prime Minister was Chancellor Rachel Reeves. Nearly half of people (48 per cent) had read or heard about her recently. The next most prominent were Deputy PM Angela Rayner (36 per cent), Foreign Secretary David Lammy (35 per cent), Shadow Energy Secretary Ed Miliband (27 per cent), and Home Secretary Yvette Cooper and Health Secretary Wes Streeting (both 26 per cent).
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YPSILANTI, Mich. (AP) — On a damp Wednesday night with temperatures dipping into the 30s, fans in sparsely filled stands bundled up to watch Buffalo beat Eastern Michigan 37-30 on gray turf. Read this article for free: Already have an account? To continue reading, please subscribe: * YPSILANTI, Mich. (AP) — On a damp Wednesday night with temperatures dipping into the 30s, fans in sparsely filled stands bundled up to watch Buffalo beat Eastern Michigan 37-30 on gray turf. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? YPSILANTI, Mich. (AP) — On a damp Wednesday night with temperatures dipping into the 30s, fans in sparsely filled stands bundled up to watch Buffalo beat Eastern Michigan 37-30 on gray turf. The lopsided game was not particularly notable, but it was played on one of the nights the Mid-American Conference has made its own: A weeknight. “A lot of the general public thinks we play all of our games on Tuesdays and Wednesdays, not just some of them in November,” MAC Commissioner Jon Steinbrecher said in a telephone interview this week. “What it has done is help take what was a pretty darned good regional conference and has given it a national brand and made it a national conference.” When the conference has played football games on ESPN or ESPN2 over the last two seasons, the linear television audience has been 10 times larger than when conference schools meet on Saturdays and get lost in the shuffle when viewers have many more choices. The most-watched MAC game over the last two years was earlier this month on a Wednesday night when Northern Illinois won at Western Michigan and there were 441,600 viewers, a total that doesn’t include streaming that isn’t captured by Nielsen company. During the same span, the linear TV audience has been no larger than 46,100 to watch two MAC teams play on Saturdays. “Having the whole nation watching on Tuesday and Wednesday night is a huge deal for the MAC,” Eastern Michigan tight end Jere Getzinger said. “Everybody wants to watch football so if you put it on TV on a Tuesday or Wednesday, people are going to watch.” ESPN has carried midweek MAC football games since the start of the century. ESPN and the conference signed a 13-year extension a decade ago that extends their relationship through at least the 2026-27 season. The conference has made the most of the opportunities, using MACtion as a tag on social media for more than a decade and it has become a catchy marketing term for the Group of Five football programs that usually operate under the radar in Michigan, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and New York. Attendance does tend to go down with weeknight games, keeping some students out of stadiums because they have class or homework and leading to adults staying away home because they have to work the next morning. “The tradeoff is the national exposure,” Buffalo coach Pete Lembo said. “You know November nights midweek the average fan is going to park on the couch, have a bowl of chips and salsa out in front, and watch the game from there.” When the Bulls beat Ball State 51-48 in an overtime thriller on a Tuesday night earlier this month, the announced attendance was 12,708 and that appeared to be generous. There were many empty seats after halftime. “You watch the games on TV, the stadiums all look like this,” Buffalo fan Jeff Wojcicki said. “They are not packed, but it’s the only game on, and you know where to find it.” Sleep and practice schedules take a hit as well, creating another wave of challenges for students to attend class and coaches to prepare without the usual rhythm of preparing all week to play on Saturday. “Last week when we played at Ohio in Athens, we had a 4-four bus ride home and got home at about 3:30 a.m.,” Eastern Michigan center Broderick Roman said. “We still had to go to class and that was tough, but it’s part of what you commit to as an athlete.” That happens a lot in November when the MAC shifts its unique schedule. During the first two weeks of the month, the conference had 10 games on Tuesdays and Wednesdays exclusively. This week, there were five games on Tuesday and Wednesday while only one was left in the traditional Saturday slot with Ball State hosting Bowling Green. Next week, Toledo plays at Akron and Kent State visits Buffalo on Tuesday night before the MAC schedule wraps up with games next Friday and Saturday to determine which teams will meet in the conference title game on Dec. 7 in Detroit. In all, MAC teams will end up playing about 75% of their games on a Saturday and the rest on November weeknights. When the Eagles wrapped up practice earlier this week, two days before they played the Bulls, tight end Jere Getzinger provided some insight into the effects of the scheduling quirk. “It’s Monday, but for us it’s like a Thursday,” he said. Bowling Green coach Scot Loeffler said he frankly has a hard time remembering what day it is when the schedule shift hits in November. Winnipeg Jets Game Days On Winnipeg Jets game days, hockey writers Mike McIntyre and Ken Wiebe send news, notes and quotes from the morning skate, as well as injury updates and lineup decisions. Arrives a few hours prior to puck drop. “The entire week gets turned upside down,” Loeffler said. “It’s wild, but it’s great for the league because there’s two days a week this time of year that people around the country will watch MAC games.” ___ AP freelance writer Jonah Bronstein contributed to this report. ___ Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here. AP college football: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-football-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-football Advertisement Advertisement
Jimmy Carter, a peanut farmer and little-known Georgia governor who became the 39th president of the United States, promising “honest and decent” government to Watergate-weary Americans, and later returned to the world stage as an influential human rights advocate and Nobel Peace Prize winner, has died. He was 100. When his turbulent presidency ended after a stinging reelection loss in 1980, Carter retreated to Plains, his political career over. Over the four decades that followed, though, he forged a legacy of public service, building homes for the needy, monitoring elections around the globe and emerging as a fearless and sometimes controversial critic of governments that mistreated their citizens. He lived longer than any U.S. president in history and was still regularly teaching Bible classes at his hometown Maranatha Baptist Church well into his 90s. During his post-presidency, he also wrote more than 30 books, including fiction, poetry, deeply personal reflections on his faith, and commentaries on Middle East strife. Though slowed by battles with brain and liver cancer and a series of falls and hip replacement in recent years, he returned again and again to his charity work and continued to offer occasional political commentary, including in support of mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 presidential election. Carter was in his first term as Georgia governor when he launched his campaign to unseat President Gerald Ford in the 1976 election. At the time, the nation was still shaken by President Richard Nixon’s resignation in the Watergate scandal and by the messy end of the Vietnam War. As a moderate Southern Democrat, a standard-bearer of what was then regarded as a more racially tolerant “new South,” Carter promised a government “as good and honest and decent and competent and compassionate and as filled with love as are the American people.” But some of the traits that had helped get Carter elected — his willingness to take on the Washington establishment and his preference for practicality over ideology — didn’t serve him as well in the White House. He showed a deep understanding of policy, and a refreshing modesty and disregard for the ceremonial trappings of the office, but he was unable to make the legislative deals expected of a president. Even though his Democratic Party had a majority in Congress throughout his presidency, he was impatient with the legislative give-and-take and struggled to mobilize party leaders behind his policy initiatives. His presidency also was buffeted by domestic crises — rampant inflation and high unemployment, as well as interminable lines at gas stations triggered by a decline in the global oil supply exacerbated by Iran’s Islamic Revolution. “Looking back, I am struck by how many unpopular objectives we pursued,” Carter acknowledged in his 2010 book, “White House Diary.” “I was sometimes accused of ‘micromanaging’ the affairs of government and being excessively autocratic,” he continued, “and I must admit that my critics probably had a valid point.” Carter’s signature achievements as president were primarily on the international front, and included personally brokering the Camp David peace accords between Egypt and Israel, which have endured for more than 40 years. But it was another international crisis — the storming of the U.S. Embassy in Tehran by Iranian revolutionaries and the government’s inability to win the release of 52 Americans taken hostage — that would cast a long shadow on his presidency and his bid for reelection. Carter authorized a secret military mission to rescue the hostages in April 1980, but it was aborted at the desert staging area; during the withdrawal, eight servicemen were killed when a helicopter crashed into a transport aircraft. The hostages were held for 444 days, a period that spanned Carter’s final 15 months in the White House. They were finally freed the day his successor, Ronald Reagan, took the oath of office. Near the end of Carter’s presidency, one poll put his job approval rating at 21% — lower than Nixon’s when he resigned in disgrace and among the lowest of any White House occupant since World War II. In a rarity for an incumbent president, Carter faced a formidable primary challenge in 1980 from Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, a favorite of the Democratic Party’s liberal wing. Although Carter prevailed, his nomination was in doubt until the party’s August convention. The enmity between Carter and Kennedy, two of the most important Democratic political figures of their generation, continued throughout their lives. In Kennedy’s memoir, published shortly after his death in 2009, he called Carter petty and guilty of “a failure to listen.” While promoting the publication of “White House Diary,” Carter said Kennedy had “deliberately” blocked Carter’s comprehensive healthcare proposals in the late 1970s in hopes of defeating the president in the primary. In the 1980 general election, Carter faced Reagan, then 69, who campaigned on a promise to increase military spending and rescue the economy by cutting taxes and decreasing regulation. Carter lost in a 51% to 41% thumping — he won just six states and the District of Columbia — that devastated the man known for his toothy smile and sent him back to his hometown, an ex-president at 56. A year later, he and Rosalynn founded the Carter Center, which pressed for peaceful solutions to world conflicts, promoted human rights and worked to eradicate disease in the poorest nations. The center, based in Atlanta, launched a new phase of Carter’s public life, one that would move the same historians who called Carter a weak president to label him one of America’s greatest former leaders. His post-presidential years were both “historic and polarizing,” as Princeton University historian Julian E. Zelizer put it in a 2010 biography of Carter. Zelizer said Carter “refused to be constrained politically when pursuing his international agenda” as an ex-president, and became “an enormously powerful figure on the international stage.” When Carter appeared on “The Colbert Report” in 2014, host Stephen Colbert asked him, “You invented the idea of the post-presidency. What inspired you to do that?” “I didn’t have anything else to do,” Carter replied. He traveled widely to mediate conflicts and monitor elections around the world, joined Habitat for Humanity to promote “sweat equity” for low-income homeownership, and became a blunt critic of human rights abuses. He angered conservatives and some liberals by advocating negotiations with autocrats — and his criticism of Israeli leaders and support for Palestinian self-determination angered many Jews. A prolific author, Carter covered a range of topics, including the Middle East crisis and the virtues of aging and religion. He penned a memoir on growing up in the rural South as well as a book of poems, and he was the first president to write a novel — “The Hornet’s Nest,” about the South during the Revolutionary War. He won three Grammy Awards as well for best spoken-word album, most recently in 2019 for “Faith: A Journey For All.” As with many former presidents, Carter’s popularity rose in the years after he left office. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002 for “decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts” and to advance democracy and human rights. By then, two-thirds of Americans said they approved of his presidency. “Jimmy Carter may never be rated a great president,” wrote Charles O. Jones, a University of Wisconsin political scientist, in his chronicle of the Carter presidency. “Yet it will be difficult in the long run to sustain censure of a president motivated to do what is right.” :::: The journey for James Earl Carter Jr. began on Oct. 1, 1924, in the tiny Sumter County, Georgia, town of Plains, home to fewer than 600 people in 2020. He was the first president born in a hospital, but he lived in a house without electricity or indoor plumbing until he was a teenager. His ancestors had been in Georgia for more than two centuries, and he was the fifth generation to own and farm the same land. His father, James Earl Carter Sr., known as Mr. Earl, was a strict disciplinarian and a conservative businessman of some means. His mother, known as Miss Lillian, had more liberal views — she was known for her charity work and for taking in transients and treating Black residents with kindness. (At the age of 70, she joined the Peace Corps, working in India.) Inspired by an uncle who was in the Navy, Carter decided as a first-grader that he wanted to go to the Naval Academy in Annapolis, Md. He became the first member of his family to finish high school, then attended Georgia Tech before heading for the academy, where he studied engineering and graduated in 1946, 59th in a class of 820. Before his last year in Annapolis, while home for the summer, he met Eleanor Rosalynn Smith, a friend of his sister Ruth’s. He and a friend invited the two young women to the movies, and when he returned home that night, he told his mother he had met “the girl I want to marry.” He proposed that Christmas, but Rosalynn declined because she felt she was too young (she was 18 and a sophomore in college). Several weeks later, while she was visiting Carter at the academy, he asked again. This time she said yes. Carter applied to America’s new nuclear-powered submarine program under the command of the icy and demanding Capt. (later Adm.) Hyman Rickover. During Carter’s interview, Rickover asked whether he had done his best at Annapolis. “I started to say, ‘Yes, sir,’ but ... I recalled several of the many times at the Academy when I could have learned more about our allies, our enemies, weapons, strategy and so forth,” Carter wrote in his autobiography. “... I finally gulped and said, ‘No, sir, I didn’t always do my best.’” To which Rickover replied: “Why not?” Carter got the job, and would later make “Why not the best?” his campaign slogan. The Carters had three sons, who all go by nicknames — John William “Jack,” James Earl “Chip” and Donnel Jeffrey “Jeff.” Carter and Rosalynn had wanted to have more children, but an obstetrician said that surgery Rosalynn had to remove a tumor on her uterus would make that impossible. Fifteen years after Jeffrey was born, the Carters had a daughter, Amy, who “made us young again,” Carter would later write. While in the Navy, Carter took graduate courses in nuclear physics and served as a submariner on the USS Pomfret. But his military career was cut short when his father died, and he moved back to Georgia in 1953 to help run the family business, which was in disarray. In his first year back on the farm, Carter turned a profit of less than $200, the equivalent of about $2,200 today. But with Rosalynn’s help, he expanded the business. In addition to farming 3,100 acres, the family soon operated a seed and fertilizer business, warehouses, a peanut-shelling plant and a cotton gin. By the time he began his campaign for the White House 20 years later, Carter had a net worth of about $800,000, and the revenue from his enterprises was more than $2 million a year. Carter entered electoral politics in 1962, and asked voters to call him “Jimmy.” He ran for a seat in the Georgia Senate against an incumbent backed by a local political boss who stuffed the ballot box. Trailing by 139 votes after the primary, Carter waged a furious legal battle, which he described years later in his book “Turning Point.” Carter got a recount, the primary result was reversed, and he went on to win the general election. The victory was a defining moment for Carter, the outsider committed to fairness and honesty who had successfully battled establishment politicians corrupted by their ties to special interests. In two terms in the Georgia Senate, Carter established a legislative record that was socially progressive and fiscally conservative. He first ran for governor in 1966, but finished third in the primary. Over the next four years, he made 1,800 speeches and shook hands with an estimated 600,000 people — a style of campaigning that paid off in the 1970 gubernatorial election and later in his bid for the White House. In his inaugural address as governor in 1971, Carter made national news by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” He had a portrait of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. hung in a hall at the Capitol in Atlanta. But when Carter launched his official campaign for the White House in December 1974, he was still so little-known outside Georgia that a celebrity panel on the TV show “What’s My Line?” couldn’t identify him. In the beginning, many scoffed at the temerity of a peanut farmer and one-term governor running for the highest office in the land. After Carter met with House Speaker Thomas P. “Tip” O’Neill Jr., the speaker was asked whom he had been talking to. “Some fellow named Jimmy Carter from Georgia. Says he’s running for president,” O’Neill replied. In a meeting with editors of the Los Angeles Times in 1975, Carter said he planned to gain the presidency by building a network of supporters and by giving his candidacy an early boost by winning the Iowa caucuses. Until then, Iowa had been a bit player in the nominating process, mostly ignored by strategists. But Carter’s victory there vaulted him to front-runner status — and Iowa into a major role in presidential nominations. His emergence from the pack of Democratic hopefuls was helped by the release of his well-reviewed autobiography “Why Not the Best?” in which he described his upbringing on the farm and his traditional moral values. On the campaign trail, Carter came across as refreshingly candid and even innocent — an antidote to the atmosphere of scandal that had eroded confidence in public officials since the events leading to Nixon’s resignation on Aug. 9, 1974. A Baptist Sunday school teacher, Carter was among the first presidential candidates to embrace the label of born-again Christian. That was underscored when, in an interview with Playboy magazine, he made headlines by admitting, “I’ve looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times. God knows I will do this and forgives me.” Carter had emerged from the Democratic National Convention in July with a wide lead over Ford, Nixon’s vice president and successor, but by the time of the Playboy interview in September, his numbers were tumbling. By election day, the contest was a dead heat. Carter, running on a ticket with Walter F. Mondale for his vice president, eked out a victory with one of the narrower margins in U.S. presidential history, winning 50.1% to 48% of the popular vote and 297 electoral votes, 27 more than needed. Many of Carter’s supporters hoped he would usher in a new era of liberal policies. But he saw his role as more of a problem-solver than a politician, and as an outsider who promised to shake things up in Washington, he often acted unilaterally. A few weeks into his term, Carter announced that he was cutting off federal funding to 18 water projects around the country to save money and protect the environment. Lawmakers, surprised by the assault on their pet projects, were livid. He ultimately backed down on some of the cuts. But his relationship with Congress never fully healed. Members often complained that they couldn’t get in to see him, and that when they did he was in a rush to show them the door. His relationship with the media, as he acknowledged later in life, was similarly fraught. Carter’s image as a reformer also took a hit early in his presidency after he appointed Bert Lance, a longtime confidant, to head the Office of Management and Budget. Within months of the appointment, questions were raised about Lance’s personal financial affairs as a Georgia banker. Adamant that Lance had done nothing wrong, Carter dug in his heels and publicly told his friend, “Bert, I’m proud of you.” Still, Lance resigned under pressure, and although he was later acquitted of criminal charges, the damage to Carter had been done. As Mondale later put it: “It made people realize that we were no different than anybody else.” When Carter did score legislative victories, the cost was high. In 1978, he pushed the Senate to ratify the Panama Canal treaties to eventually hand control of the canal over to Panama. But conservatives criticized the move as a diminution of U.S. strength, and even the Democratic National Committee declined to endorse it. Carter’s most significant foreign policy accomplishment was the 1978 Camp David agreement, a peace pact between Israel and Egypt. But he followed that with several unpopular moves, including his decree that the United States would not participate in the 1980 Summer Olympics in Moscow, as a protest against the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. It was the only time in Olympic history that the United States had boycotted an Olympics; the Soviets responded by boycotting the 1984 Summer Games in Los Angeles. Carter had taken a series of largely symbolic steps to dispel the imperial image of the presidency. After he took the oath of office on a wintry day, he and the new first lady emerged from their motorcade and walked part of the way from the Capitol to the White House. He ended chauffeur-driven cars for top staff members, sold the presidential yacht, went to the White House mess hall for lunch with the staff and conducted town meetings around the country. He suspended the playing of “Hail to the Chief” whenever he arrived at an event, though he later allowed the practice to resume. On the domestic front, he was saddled with a country in crisis. Inflation galloped at rates up to 14%, and global gasoline shortages closed service stations and created high prices and long lines. Interest rates for home mortgages soared above 14%. In his first televised fireside chat, he wore a cardigan sweater and encouraged Americans to conserve energy during the winter by keeping their thermostats at 65 degrees in the daytime and 55 degrees at night. He also proposed a string of legislative initiatives to deal with the crisis, but many were blocked by Congress. In what would become a seminal moment in his presidency, Carter addressed the nation — and a television audience of more than 60 million — on a Sunday evening in 1979, saying the country had been seized by a “crisis of confidence ... that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will.” He outlined a series of proposals to develop new sources of energy. The address, widely known as the “malaise speech” even though Carter never used that word, was generally well-received at the time, though some bristled at the implication that Americans were to blame for the country’s problems. Any positive glow disappeared two days later, when Carter fired five of his top officials, including the Energy, Treasury and Transportation secretaries and his attorney general. The value of the dollar sank and the stock market tumbled. Sensing that Carter was politically vulnerable, Kennedy moved to present himself as an alternative for the 1980 Democratic nomination, publicly criticizing the president’s agenda. But Kennedy damaged his own candidacy in a prime-time interview with CBS’ Roger Mudd: Asked why he was running for president, Kennedy fumbled his answer, and critics cited it as evidence that the senator didn’t want the job so much as he felt obligated to seek it. A few months after the malaise speech, in late 1979, revolutionaries loyal to Iran’s spiritual leader, the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, seized the U.S. Embassy in Tehran, taking 52 Americans hostage. Weeks stretched into months, with Iran refusing all efforts to negotiate a hostage release. In April 1980, Carter approved Operation Eagle Claw, a secret Delta Force rescue mission. But it ended in disaster — mechanical trouble sidelined three helicopters and, after the mission was aborted, one of the remaining helicopters collided with a transport plane on the ground, killing eight soldiers. Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance resigned before the mission, believing the plan too risky. Negotiations to free the hostages resumed, and Carter desperately tried to win their release before the November election. But the Iranians prolonged the talks and the hostages weren’t released until Jan. 20, 1981, moments after Carter watched Reagan being sworn in. The journey home for Carter was painful. Of those who voted for Reagan in 1980, nearly 1 in 4 said they were primarily motivated by their dissatisfaction with Carter. :::: Carter faced “an altogether new, unwanted and potentially empty life,” as he later put it. He sold the family farm-supply business, which had been placed in a blind trust during his presidency and was by then deeply in debt. Then, as Rosalynn later recalled, Carter awoke one night with an idea to build not just a presidential library but a place to resolve global conflicts. Together, they founded the nonprofit, nonpartisan Carter Center. His skill as a mediator made Carter a ready choice for future presidents seeking envoys to navigate crises. Republican President George H.W. Bush sent him on peace missions to Ethiopia and Sudan, and President Bill Clinton, a fellow Democrat, dispatched him to North Korea, Haiti and what then was Yugoslavia. Carter described his relationship with President Barack Obama as chilly, however, in part because he had openly criticized the administration’s policies toward Israel. He felt Obama did not strongly enough support a separate Palestinian state. “Every president has been a very powerful factor here in advocating this two-state solution,” Carter told the New York Times in 2012. “That is now not apparent.” As an election observer, he called them as he saw them. After monitoring presidential voting in Panama in 1989, he declared that Manuel Noriega had rigged the election. He also began building houses worldwide for Habitat for Humanity, and he wrote prodigiously. The Nobel committee awarded Carter the Peace Prize in 2002, more than two decades after he left the White House, praising him for standing by “the principles that conflicts must as far as possible be resolved through mediation and international cooperation.” During his 70s, 80s and even into his 90s, the former president showed an energy that never failed to impress those around him. In his 1998 book “The Virtues of Aging,” he urged retirees to remain active and engaged, and he followed his own advice, continuing to jog, play tennis and go fly-fishing well into his 80s. When his “White House Diary” was published in 2010, he embarked on a nationwide book tour at 85, as he did in 2015 with the publication of “A Full Life: Reflections at 90.” When he told America he had cancer that had spread to his liver and brain, it was vintage Carter. Wearing a coat and tie and a pair of blue jeans, he stared into the television cameras and was unflinchingly blunt about his prognosis. “Hope for the best; accept what comes,” he said. “I think I have been as blessed as any human being in the world.” Former Times staff writers Jack Nelson, Robert Shogan and Johanna Neuman contributed to this report. ©2024 Los Angeles Times. Visit at latimes.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
November 21, 2024 This article has been reviewed according to Science X's editorial process and policies . Editors have highlightedthe following attributes while ensuring the content's credibility: fact-checked proofread by Mary Fetzer and Francisco Tutella, Pennsylvania State University Police radio transmissions contain personally identifiable information that could pose privacy risks for members of the public, especially Black males, according to a new study by researchers at Penn State and the University of Chicago. "This study provides a window into police activity as events unfold," said Shomir Wilson, associate professor of information sciences and technology at Penn State and study co-author. "We found that because police radio transmissions disproportionately involve Black suspects, there's a proportionally higher privacy risk for Black people in these communications." The researchers studied a total of 24 hours of human-transcribed and annotated broadcast police communications transmitted on a single day in three Chicago dispatch zones, or regions used to coordinate police activity. According to U.S. census data, one zone was majority non-Hispanic white, one majority Hispanic and one majority non-Hispanic Black. The team found that broadcast police communications mentioned males nine times more frequently than females and that Black males were most often mentioned of all groups, even in the majority white zone. The researchers presented their findings at the 27th Association for Computing Machinery Conference on Computer-Supported Cooperative Work and Social Computing on Nov. 9-13 in Costa Rica. The team received a diversity, equity and inclusion recognition from the conference's awards committee. "The typical police radio transmission is short and serves a coordinating purpose, something like "Car 54, where are you?'" said Chris Graziul, research assistant professor at the University of Chicago, study co-author and one of two principal investigators leading the project. "These transmissions try to communicate what's happening and describe who's involved. In the process, sensitive information is often disclosed." The researchers obtained 9,115 transmissions—what they called "utterances"—that occurred when police or dispatch communicated via radio broadcast. They manually transcribed the transmissions and then randomly chose 2,000 utterances from across the three zones to analyze further. They developed a qualitative annotation scheme to label the text. They divided the annotated data into six categories, ranging from event information, such as "residential alarm break in" or "traffic stop," and procedural transmissions, such as the "Car 54" example, to casual transmissions like "Morning, squad." The researchers found that event utterances contained the most references—about 60%—to gender, race/ethnicity, age and protected health information , which can be used to identify individuals. Nearly 68% of utterances that included a sociodemographic indicator used male gendered terms, and approximately 69% of those utterances referred to Black people, according to the researchers. "Our findings contribute to a larger body of evidence about racial disparities in policing. What is novel here is the data source : radio transmissions," Graziul said. "Despite prolific use by police systems around the world, few have explored what this means of communication can tell us about how policing operates in practice. "Disproportionate mentions of Black people reflect a novel way to observe how officers' attention is unevenly distributed across racial/ethnic groups, and identifying this disparity helps us understand challenges to the ethical use of this data source for research, like preventing leakage of sensitive personal information, which would impact Black communities substantially more than other communities." Discover the latest in science, tech, and space with over 100,000 subscribers who rely on Phys.org for daily insights. Sign up for our free newsletter and get updates on breakthroughs, innovations, and research that matter— daily or weekly . After examining the utterances, the team tested a large language model (LLM), a widely used artificial intelligence tool, to determine its capacity to find personal information in the transcripts. Despite the unique nature of the language involved with broadcast police communications, the LLM detected personally identifiable information with high accuracy, highlighting the risk of privacy vulnerability. Bad actors, such as identity thieves, could use AI technology to quickly find and misuse the personal information in transcripts of police radio activity, according to the researchers. "This work reveals a concerning trend of racial inequality in terms of the exposure of sensitive information during police radio transmissions," said Pranav Narayanan Venkit, graduate student pursuing a doctoral degree in informatics in the College of Information Sciences and Technology and first author on the paper. "This study may help researchers and developers give more thought to interactions between LLM and different segments of society—the policing community, minority populations and various other populations—to identify biases and protect personal information." Miranda Goodman, who graduated with her bachelor's degree from Penn State this past summer, and fourth-year Penn State student Samantha Kenny also contributed to this work. More information: Pranav Narayanan Venkit et al, Race and Privacy in Broadcast Police Communications, Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction (2024). DOI: 10.1145/3686921 Provided byPennsylvania State University
BRATTLEBORO — Brattleboro resident Willem Thurber signed to play football at Division I University of Virginia in Charlottesville, Va. on national signing day Wednesday. Thurber attended Brattleboro Union High School for two years (2020-22) where he was a three-sport athlete and played football under coach Chad Pacheco. He has attended Deerfield Academy in Deerfield, Mass. the last three years and played both tight end and defensive end this past season under coach Brian Barbato, earning First Team Northeast Prep All-League Offense honors. A 6-foot-5, 240-pound tight end, Thurber was recruited and given offers by a number of universities, including Yale, Dartmouth, UConn, Rutgers, Syracuse, Wake Forest, Duke and James Madison. He committed to UVA in April and made it official on Wednesday. UVA tight-end coach and offensive coordinator Des Kitchings, in a national signing day broadcast on Wednesday, called Thurber a "big, athletic, three-sport guy. He has some contact balance, does a good job catching the football and breaking tackles and being an extension for us in the passing game. He grew up on a dairy farm in Vermont, so he's a worker. That's what I love about him. He's a very humble kid, loves everything about playing ball, and he'll be a great fit for this program." Thurber's quarterback at Deerfield, Cole Geer, also signed with UVA on Friday. Willem is the son of Ross Thurber and Amanda Ellis-Thurber and has two older siblings. He intends on majoring in Business at UVA.Inventus Mining (CVE:IVS) Shares Down 21.1% – Here’s Why
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Von Vascular Presents Data on ALGO Smart Pump at BRAIN Conference in LondonWill WSU be able to keep QB John Mateer when transfer portal opens?By REBECCA SANTANA, Associated Press WASHINGTON (AP) — The picture of who will be in charge of executing President-elect Donald Trump’s hard-line immigration and border policies has come into sharper focus after he announced his picks to head Customs and Border Protection and also the agency tasked with deporting immigrants in the country illegally. Trump said late Thursday he was tapping Rodney Scott, a former Border Patrol chief who’s been a vocal supporter of tougher enforcement measures, for CBP commissioner. As acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Trump said he’d nominate Caleb Vitello, a career ICE official with more than 23 years in the agency who most recently has been the assistant director for firearms and tactical programs. They will work with an immigration leadership team that includes South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem as head of the Department of Homeland Security ; former acting Immigration and Customs Enforcement head Tom Homan as border czar ; and immigration hard-liner Stephen Miller as deputy chief of staff. Customs and Border Protection, with its roughly 60,000 employees, falls under the Department of Homeland Security. It includes the Border Patrol, which Scott led during Trump’s first term, and is essentially responsible for protecting the country’s borders while facilitating trade and travel. Scott comes to the job firmly from the Border Patrol side of the house. He became an agent in 1992 and spent much of his career in San Diego. When he joined the agency, San Diego was by far the busiest corridor for illegal crossings. Traffic plummeted after the government dramatically increased enforcement there, but critics note the effort pushed people to remote parts of California and Arizona. San Diego was also where wall construction began in the 1990s, which shaped Scott’s belief that barriers work. He was named San Diego sector chief in 2017. When he was appointed head of the border agency in January 2020, he enthusiastically embraced Trump’s policies. “He’s well known. He does know these issues and obviously is trusted by the administration,” said Gil Kerlikowske, the CBP commissioner under the Obama administration. Kerlikowske took issue with some of Scott’s past actions, including his refusal to fall in line with a Biden administration directive to stop using terms like “illegal alien” in favor of descriptions like “migrant,” and his decision as San Diego sector chief to fire tear gas into Mexico to disperse protesters. “You don’t launch projectiles into a foreign country,” Kerlikowske said. At the time Scott defended the agents’ decisions , saying they were being assaulted by “a hail of rocks.” While much of the focus of Trump’s administration may be on illegal immigration and security along the U.S.-Mexico border, Kerlikowske also stressed the importance of other parts of Customs and Border Protection’s mission. The agency is responsible for securing trade and international travel at airports, ports and land crossings around the country. Whoever runs the agency has to make sure that billions of dollars worth of trade and millions of passengers move swiftly and safely into and out of the country. And if Trump makes good on promises to ratchet up tariffs on Mexico, China and Canada, CBP will play an integral role in enforcing them. “There’s a huge amount of other responsibility on trade, on tourism, on cyber that take a significant amount of time and have a huge impact on the economy if it’s not done right,” Kerlikowske said. After being forced out under the Biden administration, Scott has been a vocal supporter of Trump’s hard-line immigration agenda. He has appeared frequently on Fox News and testified in Congress. He’s also a senior fellow at the Texas Public Policy Foundation. In a 2023 interview with The Associated Press, he advocated for a return to Trump-era immigration policies and more pressure on Mexico to enforce immigration on its side of the border.
Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi held a meeting on Sunday with Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly and Minister of Communications and Information Technology Amr Talaat to discuss key digital transformation initiatives and ongoing national projects. The discussions centered on strengthening collaboration between the Ministry of Communications and other government agencies, with a particular focus on the ministry’s digital transformation efforts. The meeting also covered plans to develop national post offices and initiatives aimed at expanding Egypt’s mobile phone manufacturing sector and localizing its production. During the meeting, President Al-Sisi emphasized the importance of continuing the transition towards an integrated digital society. This includes enhancing digital services and improving data governance, as well as expanding training programs to build digital capabilities. The President highlighted the role of applied technology schools and Egypt Digital Creativity Centers in equipping youth with the skills needed to secure employment opportunities, according to Presidential spokesperson Mohamed El-Menshawy. Al-Sisi also underscored the need to bolster programs focused on data protection, cybersecurity, and artificial intelligence. He stressed the importance of attracting more specialized international research and development centers to Egypt, with a particular focus on expanding expertise in communications and information technology. The President was briefed on Egypt’s digital strategy, which aims to boost the outsourcing industry and attract international companies to expand their operations in the country. He also followed up on efforts to enhance the coverage and quality of communication services, ensuring that citizens receive high-quality and more effective services. Al-Sisi directed that efforts to expand communications services nationwide should continue, with an emphasis on improving service quality and encouraging both local and international investment in the ICT sector. He also called for intensified efforts to improve Egypt’s ranking in global telecommunications indicators, aiming to position the country as a regional hub for communications, digital activities, and information technology services. Additionally, the President was updated on the progress of the upcoming second version of Egypt’s National Artificial Intelligence Strategy. Set for launch soon, the strategy will focus on leveraging AI technologies to address societal challenges and provide innovative solutions across various sectors. The initiative also aims to continue providing advanced computing infrastructure to government and private sectors, including startups and SMEs, in alignment with national economic development goals.