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CHAPEL HILL, N.C. — Bill Belichick spent time after his NFL exit talking with college coaches wanting his thoughts on managing new wrinkles at their level that looked a lot like the pros. The two-minute timeout. The transfer portal as de facto free agency. Collectives generating name, image and likeness (NIL) money for athletes becoming like a payroll. The impending arrival of revenue sharing. It didn't take long for Belichick to envision how a college program should look based on his own NFL experience. "I do think there are a lot of parallels," Belichick said. And that's at least partly why the six-time Super Bowl-winning head coach is now taking over at North Carolina. Years of rapid change at the have only increased the professionalization of college football across the country, with schools adjusting staffing to handle growing duties once seemingly more fitting for a pro team. UNC just happens to be making the most audacious of those bets, bringing in a 72-year-old who has never coached in college and asking him to build what amounts to a mini-NFL front office. But plenty could follow. "I really think there's going to be some of those guys that maybe don't have a job in the NFL anymore," Kansas State general manager Clint Brown said, "and now that this is going to be structured in a way where there is a cap that that's going to be something they're interested in." The rapid changes in college athletics have fueled that, notably with players able to transfer and play right away without sitting out a year and be paid through NIL endorsement opportunities in the past five years. Recruiting is now just as much about bringing in veteran talent through the portal as signing recruits out of high school, mirroring the NFL with free agency and the draft, respectively. And a bigger change looms with revenue sharing, the result of a $2.78 billion legal settlement to antitrust lawsuits. Specifically, that model will allow the biggest schools to establish a pool of about $21.5 million for athletes in the first year, with a final hearing in that case set for April 2025. It will be up to schools to determine how to distribute that money and in which sports, though football's role as the revenue driver in college sports likely means a prominent cut everywhere as a direct parallel to a professional team's salary cap. Throw all that together, and it's why coaches are adjusting their staffs like Florida's Billy Napier interviewing candidates to be the Gators' general manager. "We're built to do it now," Napier said. "The big thing here is that we're getting ready to be in a business model. We have a cap. We have contracts. We have negotiation. We have strategy about how we distribute those funds, and it's a major math puzzle. "We're going to build out a front office here in the next couple of months, and it's primarily to help us manage that huge math problem," Napier added. "There'll be a ton of strategy around that. I'm looking forward to it." Still, that also explains why Nebraska head coach Matt Rhule, the former head coach of the NFL's Carolina Panthers, said: "This job as a head coach is a juggernaut. There's way more to do here than I had to do in the NFL." And it explains why the Tar Heels are betting on Belichick to be the right fit for today's changing climate. "If I was 16 of 17 years old, a coach who came at you and won how many Super Bowls? And he said, 'Come play for me,'" said New York Giants offensive lineman Joshua Ezeudu, now in his third year out of UNC. "I mean, that's pretty hard to turn down now, especially in this day and age, he's telling you to come play for him and he's offering you some money, too. I mean, you can't go wrong with that choice." The timing worked for UNC with Belichick, who was bypassed for some NFL openings after leaving the New England Patriots last year and instead spent months taking a closer look at the college game. Those conversations with coaches — some in the Atlantic Coast, Big Ten and Southeastern conferences, he said Thursday — made him understand how the changes in college aligned with his pro experience. "College kind of came to me this year," Belichick said. "I didn't necessarily go and seek it out." And his mere presence in Chapel Hill makes a difference, with athletic director Bubba Cunningham saying his "visibility" would likely allow the team to raise prices for advertising such as sponsorships and signage. Belichick is also hiring Michael Lombardi, a former NFL general manager and executive, as the Tar Heels' general manager. Cunningham also said the plan is for Belichick to continue his appearances on former NFL quarterbacks Peyton and Eli Manning's "Manningcast" broadcasts during Monday Night Football as well as ESPN's "The Pat McAfee Show" — all giving the coach the chance to promote himself and the program. Yet these steps to reshape football at North Carolina comes with a rising price. Belichick will make $10 million per year in base and supplemental pay, with the first three years of the five-year deal guaranteed, according to a term sheet released by UNC on Thursday. That's roughly double of former coach Mack Brown, whose contract outlined about $4.2 million in base and supplemental salary before bonuses and other add-ons. Additionally, Belichick's deal includes $10 million for a salary pool for assistant coaches and $5.3 million for support staff. That's up from roughly $8.1 million for assistants and $4.8 million for support staff for the 2022 season, according to football financial data for UNC obtained by The Associated Press. And those figures from 2022 under Brown were already up significantly from Larry Fedora's tenure with the 2017 season ($4 million for assistant coaches, $2.3 million for support staff). There is at least one area where the Tar Heels are set for Belichick's arrival: facilities. UNC spent more than $40 million on its football practice complex with an indoor facility (2018) as the biggest project, while other projects include $3 million in upgrades to the locker room and weight room (2019), $14.5 million on renovations to the Kenan Football Center (2022), even $225,000 on Brown's former office (2021). Now it's up to Belichick to rethink the approach to football here for the changing times. "We're taking a risk," Cunningham said. "We're investing more in football with the hope and ambition that the return is going to significantly outweigh the investment." AP Sports Writers Tom Canavan in New Jersey; Mark Long in Florida; and Eric Olson in Nebraska; contributed to this report. Be the first to know Get local news delivered to your inbox!
AI to affect 14% of PH workforce – IMF reportA U.S. Supreme Court case on gender affirming care for teens will likely have major implications for transgender rights nationwide, but Montana’s unique state Constitution could safeguard protections nevertheless, an ACLU attorney says. In question at the nation’s highest court is a 2023 Tennessee state law that prohibits trans youth from receiving medical treatments prescribed to help them transition such as puberty blockers and hormone therapy. It’s very similar to from the last legislative session, which banned a slew of procedures and treatments used for gender dysphoria, the psychiatric condition that creates distress for a person whose gender identity differs from their sex assigned at birth. SB 99, titled "Montana’s Youth Protection Act," was temporarily blocked by a Missoula district court judge last year, days before it was set to go into effect. asks whether the Tennessee transgender health care ban is tantamount to discrimination under the federal Constitution’s equal protection clause. President Joe Biden’s administration brought the legal challenge, arguing Tennessee’s law should be overturned on these grounds. Lawyers representing the state of Tennessee contend that though the law applies specifically to trans teens, it should not trigger the greater legal standard required to protect against sex-based discrimination. Supreme Court justices heard oral arguments on Tuesday. A decision is not expected until July, though it appears likely that the conservative majority will rule in favor of Tennessee. Trans rights advocates worry such a ruling could open the door to all kinds of targeted restrictions. Alex Rate, legal director for ACLU of Montana, said the outcome of the case should not directly impact ongoing efforts to overturn SB 99 because of the unique protections in the Montana Constitution that go beyond federal law. The federal Constitution sets the floor, “below which we cannot go,” Rate explains, but states have the power to determine the ceiling, which means they can grant individuals greater protections that expand on federal liberties. Abortion rights are an illustrative example of how these differences between state and federal law can play out. When overturned federal abortion protections, Montana’s constitutional right to privacy continued to ensure access to reproductive health care. Chase Scheuer, press secretary for Attorney General Austin Knudsen, urged the United States Supreme Court to uphold the Tennessee law. When Gov. Greg Gianforte signed SB 99 into law in April 2023, the ACLU promptly filed a lawsuit against it representing three families with transgender youth and two medical providers who work with transgender youth. The case, then resulted in a preliminary injunction against SB 99 from a Montana state district court judge, “is unlikely to survive any level of constitutional review” and “barring access to gender affirming care would negatively impact gender dysphoric minors’ mental and physical health.” According to Rate, Montana’s equal protection clause is more specific than its federal counterpart and has been interpreted by state courts to provide greater protections. Additionally, he argues the state’s robust right to privacy encompasses decisions made between parents, transgender teens and their health care providers. Scheuer had a different take. "The Supreme Court’s decision could undercut the ACLU’s similar attack on SB99 in Montana as well," he said in a statement to the Montana State News Bureau. Should a new U.S. Congress pass federal legislation banning gender affirming care for transgender youth, for example, that could negate the ability of Montana health providers to offer the care, despite the state Constitution. There’s not a lot of law on transgender rights in Montana, which means there isn’t a great amount of legal precedent at the state level. It’s possible Montana courts could defer to federal decisions at the Supreme Court or elsewhere when thinking about a legal framework for analyzing the constitutionality of SB 99 or other future laws. “One would hope that a faithful interpretation of our state Constitution would lead to a potentially different result than what’s happening at the federal end,” Rate said. Gianforte continues to support SB 99 and other restrictions on health care for transgender youth like the one in Tennessee. He filed an amicus brief with the Supreme Court in October urging justices to uphold the Tennessee law on the basis that it allows youth to “have the freedom to grow up unhampered by improper interests and agendas and with access to appropriate tools and resources to promote both their development and ultimate success in society.” The governor’s administration applied many of the same arguments in the amicus brief as it has when supporting SB 99. It argues that medical treatments for gender dysphoria are “permanent, invasive, and life-altering” and that the state doesn’t seek to limit them for adults, only minor children. As of Aug., 26 states, including Montana, had passed some kind of ban against gender dysphoria health care for high school-aged youth. A majority are either currently tied up in litigation or temporarily blocked by the courts. Gender affirming care is considered safe, effective and medically necessary by major professional health associations, including the American Medical Association, the American Academy of Pediatrics, and the Endocrine Society. Oral arguments for are scheduled for June.
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An Islamabad Anti-Terrorism Court (ATC) convicted 10 people on Friday over the nationwide riots on May 9, 2023, although they were acquitted of charges under the Anti-Terrorism Act, 1997. Following the arrest of former prime minister and PTI founder Imran Khan on May 9, 2023, from the Islamabad High Court’s premises, riots erupted across the country that went on for at least 24 hours. At least 10 people lost their lives and hundreds sustained injuries, while approximately 40 public buildings and military installations were damaged, including Lahore Corps Commander’s House (Jinnah House) and Askari Tower in Lahore, General Headquarters (GHQ) in Rawalpindi, Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Office in Faisalabad, FC Fort in Chakdara, Radio Pakistan building in Peshawar, Toll Plaza at Swat Motorway and the Mianwali Air Base. The state then launched a severe crackdown on his party, rounding up thousands of PTI workers and almost the entire top-tier leadership, with many still facing court proceedings under serious charges. On November 16, Information Minister Attaullah Tarar unveiled what he described as “ new video evidence ” related to the May 9 riots and demanded the swift disposal of all pending cases. ATC Judge Tahir Abbas Sipra presided over a hearing today for a case lodged at the Industrial Area police station on May 10, 2023. According to the order — a copy of which is available with Dawn.com — 17 individuals were booked under Sections 148 (rioting, armed with a deadly weapon), 149 (every member of unlawful assembly guilty of offence committed in prosecution of common object), 186 (obstructing a public servant), 188 (disobeying order promulgated by a public servant), 341 (wrongful restraint), 353 (assault or criminal force to deter a public servant), 382 (theft after preparation made for causing death, hurt or restraint in order to the committing of the theft) and 436 (mischief by fire or explosive substance) of the Pakistan Penal Code (PPC), read with Section 7 (punishment for acts of terrorism) of the Anti Terrorism Act, 1997, as per a police report. It said one person was discharged from the case, six were absconders and the remaining 10 were formally indicted while they denied the charges. Four of the 10 individuals were mentioned as being permanent Afghan residents. The order said that on May 10, 2023, the 10 accused — armed with sticks and waving PTI banners — attacked police personnel, stole a police radio and riot gear, burned police vehicles and a police check post, creating a “sense of fear and terror in the vicinity”. The judge sentenced them to three years imprisonment under Section 148 read with Section 149 and a fine of Rs20,000 each; three months imprisonment under Section 186 and an Rs1,000 fine each; six months imprisonment under Section 188 and an Rs3,000 fine each; one month’s imprisonment under Section 341 and an Rs1,000 fine each; and two years imprisonment under Section 353 and a fine of Rs20,000 each. It added that the sentences would run concurrently, adding that benefit under Section 382-B of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) that compensates an accused person by deducting the time they spent in detention as an under-trial prisoner from their sentence, would be extended to all of them. The order said the convicts were on bail and directed that they be taken into custody and imprisoned. However, the accused were acquitted of the terrorism charge as “the charge levelled against them has not been proved for these offence beyond shadow of doubt”. The order also said: “Although it is mentioned that the mob belonged to a political party but nothing has been mentioned in [the] complaint or in the statements of the witnesses about the object, design and purpose of the acts alleged against the accused persons to declare them as [an] act of terrorism.” According to the order, offences under Sections 382 and 436 of the PPC were also not proven against the accused and thus they were acquitted. The order also directed perpetual non-bailable arrest warrants be issued for the six absconders and they be arrested and produced before the court.E3 doubles down on hostile stance toward Iran as it declares readiness to ‘snapback’ sanctions