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The past two years have marked the two highest increases in water rates and fees by the Erie County Water Authority, and next year will be no different. The water authority board last week unanimously approved an across the board 11% hike in its rates and fees, the second highest percentage increase in decades. Authority officials say the median residential water bill will rise by $40 a year, though they use a lower annual water use estimate than other local water utility companies. And if you're wondering when water users might get a break, the answer from water authority leaders is probably not for a long time. The Erie County Water Authority is sharply raising rates and fees again. And no one thinks that pattern is going to change anytime soon, particularly with new federal mandates for lead pipe removal. The Erie County Water Authority provides water to more than 550,000 users throughout most of Erie County but not the City of Buffalo. The 11% hike falls just short of the 12% increase in 2023, which was the highest recorded jump since at least 2000, when The Buffalo News began tracking rate changes. The officials say ratepayers will face a growing burden over the coming decade because of an ambitious effort to upgrade the county's aging water system and meet expensive, new unfunded mandates by the Environmental Protection Agency to replace lead and galvanized steel pipes. The authority's push to improve the county's largest water network means customers will be paying more than 50% more than what they paid for water five years ago, which significantly outpaces inflation. And authority executives expect the sharp increases to continue for a decade or more. "I have to be honest you," said authority Chairman Jerome Schad. "I don’t see how we aren’t going to be in that spot." The authority's operating costs have fallen by a little under 1%, said Chief Financial Officer Joyce Tomaka, but it's project construction costs are climbing by 17%. Here's more context to the most basic questions regarding the increased water costs. Q: Why are costs going up so much? For each of the past two years, water authority officials attributed higher costs to spikes in chemical prices, power and contracts with third-party contractors. This year, Tomaka said supply costs have leveled off or fallen, but the federal government's new Lead and Copper Rule has thrown a heavy burden on all water utilities, which must identify and replace all lead lines within the next 10 years. Galvanized steel pipes, which can also absorb lead, must be replaced within the next 13 years. The new EPA rules also require more testing of drinking water and require that communities take action sooner to protect people from water-based lead exposure. ECWA officials say they estimate that the rules will require the replacement of roughly 30,000 lines. For next year, the authority plans to spend $16 million as part of its "Get the Lead Out" program. The authority did receive a $20 million grant from Gov. Kathy Hochul in 2023, and another $960,000 from Sens. Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand this year. Schad said without those grants, the increased costs to customers would be even higher. The typical customer will pay $484 a year for water, a 7% increase. In 2023, the Buffalo Water Board raised the bill paid by the typical residential customer by $41 a year, or 10%. The Lead and Copper Rule is not deterring the water authority from taking steps that leaders say they must to make critical improvements to the authority’s aging plants, lab technology, pumping stations, water lines and residential water meters. That will add another $66.8 million to construction costs. Schad said keeping water costs low used to be the overriding priority of the authority, but as a result, it has spent less on maintenance than other comparable water systems. Having cheap water is less important to the local economy than having access to a reliable and safe water system without interruption and outages, he said. Consultants for the authority agree that the current rate structure is fairest to residential consumers, who represent the bulk of all water authority customers, he said. Compared with other major upstate counties and cities, ECWA's water costs may be the highest next year, except for the City of Buffalo, which has a concentration of older water lines. Within the county, however, 20 other local governments – primarily rural villages and towns – have higher rates than ECWA, which delivers water to most suburban communities. Q: So how much will I be paying this year? Pull out your calculator. The Water Authority charges two costs to water users. One is a rate charged for every 1,000 gallons of water used. Next year, the water rate for residential customers will rise from $4.64 per thousand to $5.15 per thousand. So if you accept the water authority's average water usage figure of 56,000 gallons a year, you'd multiply 56 by $5.15, to get $288.40. If you have a family with children, expect to pay more. If you live alone, expect to pay less. But that's not all. Since 2011, the water authority has also been charging customers a flat quarterly "infrastructure fee." That fee has risen from $27.72 per quarter to $30.78. Multiply the new quarterly fee by four and you'll get $123.12 a year, for a total annual water bill of $411.52, an increase of $40.80 over what the average residential customer paid this year. Note that the ECWA calculates average water usage by taking it's three highest residential water usage months of April through June, and using that as a quarterly average that amounts to 56,000 gallons, according to Tomaka. That is low compared with the Buffalo Water Board, which estimates residential usage at 70,000 gallons per household. That's more in line with what the ECWA calculated as its average water usage three years ago. Of course, the higher the average water usage figure, the bigger the average water bill looks. Commercial customers, who pay a much heftier quarterly infrastructure fee but a lower water rate, will also see an 11% increase across the board. Get Government & Politics updates in your inbox! Stay up-to-date on the latest in local and national government and political topics with our newsletter. Reporter {{description}} Email notifications are only sent once a day, and only if there are new matching items.Hegseth meets with moderate Sen. Collins as he lobbies for key votes in the Senate
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DALLAS (AP) — Boopie Miller scored 24 points and added seven assists and Yohan Traoire posted a double-double with 20 points and 11 rebounds to help power SMU to its seventh straight win, closing out its nonconference schedule with a 98-82 victory over Longwood on Sunday. The Mustangs (11-2) shot 62% from the field for the game, knocking down 10 of 20 shots from behind the 3-point arc to earn their seventh win in eight home games. Longwood (11-4) stayed close by taking advantage of 20 SMU turnovers and 10 steals. Elijah Tucker's jumper with 11:37 left pulled the Lancers within seven, 69-62, but the Mustangs answered with a 14-1 run to take a 20-point lead. Miller knocked down 6 of 7 shots from the field, including both of his 3-point attempts, and was 10 of 12 from the free-throw line. Traore was 7 of 10 from the floor, including 2 of 4 from deep, and was 4 for 4 at the line. Matt Cross added 19 points and Chuck Harris chipped in 12 points off the bench. Tucker finished with 20 points and six rebounds to lead Longwood. Coby Garland posted a double-double with 19 points and 11 assists and Emanuel Richards finished with 12 points off the bench. SMU, off to a 2-0 start in its first season of Atlantic Coast Conference play, hosts No. 4 Duke on Saturday. Longwood opens Big South Conference play Thursday at home against Presbyterian. Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign up here . AP college basketball: https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-basketball-poll and https://apnews.com/hub/college-basketball
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By BILL BARROW, Associated Press ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” ___ Former Associated Press journalist Alex Sanz contributed to this report.NASSAU, Bahamas (AP) — Kmani Doughty had 17 points in Indiana State's 83-80 victory against Iona on Saturday. Doughty shot 5 of 9 from the field, including 1 for 4 from 3-point range, and went 6 for 7 from the line for the Sycamores (4-4). Jaden Daughtry added 16 points while going 6 of 9 and 4 of 5 from the free-throw line while they also had six rebounds and three steals. Josiah LeGree shot 5 for 8, including 3 for 5 from beyond the arc to finish with 14 points. The Gaels (2-6) were led by Dejour Reaves, who posted 30 points and three steals. Adam Njie added 21 points, six rebounds, four assists and two steals for Iona. Yaphet Moundi also had 12 points and nine rebounds. LeGree scored 11 points in the first half for Indiana State, who went into halftime tied 45-45 with Iona. Indiana State. Samage Teel scored 10 second-half points. ___ The Associated Press created this story using technology provided by and data from . The Associated Press