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Approximately 300 of New York’s most stylish waited for hours in Soho on Saturday morning to enter the first-ever brick-and-mortar store for Telfar, the Beyoncé-beloved brand with a behemoth cult following. The line, which snaked down Broadway and spilled into the alley, began to form hours ahead of the 11 a.m. ribbon-cutting as throngs of well-dressed fans eagerly awaited a rare chance to get their hands on one of Telfar’s coveted bags, nicknamed the “Bushwick Birkin.” Janya Conyers, a 14-year-old New Yorker, arrived at 8 a.m., and was the first customer to make a purchase once she finally arrived inside. The fashion-minded teen even got a chance to meet designer Telfar Clemens himself. Meanwhile, Queens native Skai Karim, 20, was the fifth person from the front of the line, purchasing a black shopper from the bag bar on Saturday. “Why not experience the first time going to the grand opening of the first flagship store? That’s a memory to be created,” Karim, a Fashion Institute of Technology student and content creator, told The Post. Being at the grand opening, she said, was imperative “if you’re a big fan.” She further called Clemens an “icon.” Inside the sleek flagship, spanning 10,000 square-feet, the front door opens to a news desk followed by racks of apparel suspended from the ceiling and a dazzling bag bar running the length of the store. Customers were handed “bag menus” or asked to scan QR codes to view the purse offerings and make their pick at the bar, which was stocked with every purse ever produced by Telfar. “It screams New York,” Karim said of the store’s layout. “It screams Telfar.” After operating as an online-only retailer for nearly two decades, the permanent location at 408 Broadway marks a new chapter for the buzzy brand, offering New Yorkers the opportunity to experience the garments or snag a “T”-embossed tote without waiting for one of the highly anticipated drops online . “The store tells the whole story,” designer Telfar Clemens told The Post ahead of the opening. “It’s not just bags — it’s a cultural phenomenon and it’s a total look — 20 years in the making.” After the brand’s previous pop-ups were mobbed by overly zealous fans in years past, this time around, Clemens required RSVP for entry. This, he said, was going to be “different.” “This is our flagship store in NYC — we want to spread that energy over the other 365 days of the year,” said Clemens, who has been building an atelier in order to produce “full 360 collections” and do so “100% independently.” “That’s why the store is so central — you are never going to understand Telfar by walking into an existing store.” Additional reporting by Robert Miller.�퀈��.
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Lematre Vascular director sells $20,493 in stock

By MARC LEVY HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — Democratic Sen. Bob Casey of Pennsylvania conceded his reelection bid to Republican David McCormick on Thursday, as a statewide recount showed no signs of closing the gap and his campaign suffered repeated blows in court in its effort to get potentially favorable ballots counted. Casey’s concession comes more than two weeks after Election Day, as a grindingly slow ballot-counting process became a spectacle of hours-long election board meetings, social media outrage, lawsuits and accusations that some county officials were openly flouting the law. Republicans had been claiming that Democrats were trying to steal McCormick’s seat by counting “illegal votes.” Casey’s campaign had accused of Republicans of trying to block enough votes to prevent him from pulling ahead and winning. In a statement, Casey said he had just called McCormick to congratulate him. “As the first count of ballots is completed, Pennsylvanians can move forward with the knowledge that their voices were heard, whether their vote was the first to be counted or the last,” Casey said. The Associated Press called the race for McCormick on Nov. 7, concluding that not enough ballots remained to be counted in areas Casey was winning for him to take the lead. As of Thursday, McCormick led by about 16,000 votes out of almost 7 million ballots counted. That was well within the 0.5% margin threshold to trigger an automatic statewide recount under Pennsylvania law. But no election official expected a recount to change more than a couple hundred votes or so, and Pennsylvania’s highest court dealt him a blow when it refused entreaties to allow counties to count mail-in ballots that lacked a correct handwritten date on the return envelope. Republicans will have a 53-47 majority next year in the U.S. Senate. Follow Marc Levy at twitter.com/timelywriter

The conflict between Israel and Hezbollah, which began in October 2023, entered a new phase on Sept. 17, 2024. The process started with Israel’s detonation of thousands of electronic devices used by Hezbollah and continued with the assassination of many of the movement’s top leaders, including its secretary-general. Thinking that Hezbollah would be dissolved, Israel launched a ground operation on Lebanese territory on Oct. 1. However, it did not turn out as expected. Far from being successful in the land operation, Israel suffered serious losses in Lebanon. Combined with its war exhaustion starting from the last year, the latest casualties of Israel led it to consider withdrawing from Lebanon. Israel had the upper hand against Hezbollah with the surprise attacks; assassinations of top commanders, and air domination starting in mid-September. However, Israel’s accomplishments misled it to enter Lebanon on the ground. Expecting a dissolution in Hezbollah fronts after eliminating the organization’s leadership, Israel faced strong resistance on the field. While Israel continues its ground offensive in southern Lebanon, its casualties are significantly increasing. Israeli Army Radio referred to last month as “black October” because of high casualties. Israel’s main objective was to secure its borders by pushing Hezbollah north of the Litani River, but this goal is still a long way off. The deepest point at which Israeli forces have been able to advance is the outskirts of the town of Khiam, about 6 kilometers from the border. Hezbollah also continued to hit Israel with missiles and drones during the invasion. The ongoing Hezbollah attacks on Israeli territory have undermined one of Tel Aviv’s major pretexts for the occupation. Israel had claimed that the ground operation was needed for displaced people to return to their homes on Israel’s northern border. With the attacks of Hezbollah, far from the return of those in the north, the war has moved much further inland. To cover up the questionable ground operation, Israel increased the number of massive daily airstrikes on towns and cities. After Israel’s ground operation in Lebanon, international pressure on Israel has increased significantly. Many Western countries, which did not react sufficiently to the massacre in Gaza, put pressure on Israel for its escalatory behavior in Lebanon. For instance, France called for an arms sales ban on Israel to avoid regional escalation. Israel’s attacks on the peacekeeping force, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), have also put it in a difficult position internationally. Israel, which suffers military losses every day in Gaza and southern Lebanon, carries out its operations also at a heavy cost. Since the outbreak of the war, Israel has lost more than 890 soldiers, and 11,000 Israeli soldiers have been wounded, according to Yair Lapid, Israeli opposition leader. Additionally, hundreds of military vehicles have been destroyed or damaged in the attacks. In addition to military losses and a tense political environment, one of the most difficult challenges for the Netanyahu government is the state of the economy. Israel’s military expenditures are increasing while the economic growth rate is slowing down. The cost of the war to Israel is more than 67 billion dollars, even without including Israel’s ground offensive in Lebanon. The Netanyahu government is in a difficult situation in terms of domestic politics. It has been cornered with demands to resolve the hostage crisis and reach a cease-fire. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is under pressure not only for the failure of Oct. 7 but also for not paying enough attention to the Israeli hostages and deliberately undermining the cease-fire for his political gain.East 9th Street Sinkhole Causes Traffic Reroute for Browns vs. Dolphins Game in Cleveland

According to the latest labour force numbers released by Statistics Canada, Saskatchewan’s seasonally adjusted unemployment rate remains well below the national average. For the month of November, the provincial rate was 5.6 per cent, which compared to the national average of 6.8 per cent. The province also added 8,400 new jobs year-over-year. “Saskatchewan’s economy remains strong, with 8,400 jobs added and the lowest unemployment rate in Canada,” Deputy Premier and Immigration and Career Training Minister Jim Reiter said in a news release. “Opportunities provided by our growing economy and measures passed to ensure the province remains the most affordable place to live, work and raise a family in Canada.” Year-over-year, full-time employment increased by 5,900, an increase of 1.2 per cent. Female employment is up 4,600 an increase of 1.7 per cent, and male employment is up 3,700, an increase of 1.2 per cent. Major year-over-year gains were reported for health care and social assistance, up 11,700, an increase of 13.5 per cent; accommodation and food services, up 4,100, an increase of 13.6 per cent; and forestry, fishing, mining, oil and gas, up 2,800, an increase of 14.1 per cent. The provincial NDP however pointing out Prince Albert and the Northern economic area of Saskatchewan lost 800 jobs in November. Overall, there are 400 fewer jobs in the region since Scott Moe became Premier in February 2018, the opposition stated in a press release. “The Sask. Party Government has left us in last place on full time job creation,” said Kim Breckner, Saskatchewan NDP Shadow Minister for Trade & Export Development. “We need good-paying jobs for people in Prince Albert, in the North and right across Saskatchewan. “We need an economic plan for the future, especially during a period of great uncertainty with the potential of tariffs threatened by the incoming U.S. President and the ongoing affordability crisis.” Saskatchewan NDP Leader Carla Beck has advocated for prioritizing Saskatchewan jobs and workers, lower taxes for small businesses, retrofit programs for aging buildings and increased policing to keep communities safe. “We want to invest in local economic development to create a domino effect across the region,” Breckner said. “We will continue to propose ideas to get Saskatchewan’s economy out of last place.” panews@pattisonmedia.com On X: @princealbertnow

Can Trump save TikTok? The ‘Art of the Deal’ President wants to try

UCF will attempt to shake off a dreadful offensive performance when it collides with LSU on Sunday afternoon in the third-place game of the Greenbrier Tip-Off in White Sulphur Springs, W.Va. The Knights (4-1) couldn't get anything going against No. 19 Wisconsin on Friday, going 21-for-62 from the field (33.9 percent) and just 2-for-17 from 3-point range (11.8 percent) en route to an 86-70 loss. Jordan Ivy-Curry finished with 13 points while Keyshawn Hall and Dior Johnson added 11 apiece for UCF, which never led and fell behind by as many as 23. Knights coach Johnny Dawkins is hoping that his team's struggles don't carry over into the meeting with the Tigers (4-1). "We have to do better offensively," Dawkins said. "We have to space the floor better. We have to balance our offense between our perimeter and our bigs. Those are things that we didn't do consistently (on Friday)." LSU also needs to clean things up after committing 15 turnovers in a 74-63 setback against Pitt on Friday. Tigers forward Jalen Reed doesn't believe giving the ball away will be a lingering issue. "I feel like a lot of our turnovers were more on us than them," Reed said. "I feel like a lot of the turnovers were careless, but we're a better team than that and I feel like we'll take care of the ball better moving forward." Reed and Vyctorius Miller each posted 14 points in the loss to the Panthers, with Reed also hauling in seven rebounds. Cam Carter chipped in 11 points. Carter is putting up a team-leading 16.4 points per game. Jordan Sears (12.0 points per game), Reed (11.0) and Miller (10.2) also have scoring averages in double figures. Ivy-Curry (16.8 points per game), Hall (16.2) and Darius Johnson (13.0) have been leading the way for UCF. Sunday marks the first-ever meeting between the Knights and Tigers. --Field Level MediaNone

Nagriamel Movement congress elects president, endorses 2 candidates

Democrat Bob Casey concedes to Republican David McCormick in Pennsylvania Senate contestCAMBRIDGE, Mass.—Donald Trump had a very clear message for his team: don’t spike the football after Joe Biden had a disastrous debate showing in June. Things were going well for Trump’s attempted return to political office, Biden was and as off his game, and the electorate was just starting to tune in. “Don’t go too hard on him. We want him around,” Trump told his staff, who shelved an ad for fear it would force Biden off the ballot, according to Trump’s co-campaign manager Chris LaCivita. Meanwhile, once Biden bowed to the pressure from fellow Democrats to step aside and clear the way for Kamala Harris to take the nomination in August, he had a blunt conversation with his Vice President. The chair of both Biden’s and Harris’ campaigns, Jen O’Malley Dillon, said Biden gave Harris permission to do what she needed to do to build distance with the White House. The risk of Trump’s return to power was greater than Biden’s badly bruised ego. Those were just two of the many behind-the-scenes stories shared Friday at a conference at Harvard’s Institute of Politics featuring the top hands of the major 2024 presidential campaigns. Typically, the two-day conference is coda to the election cycle. But this was a precedent-breaking campaign for a ton of reasons: two failed assassination , a nominee , China and Iran campaign emails, and a type of political last seen in 1885. The day was the first pass at a comprehensive oral history of the campaign. The election’s architects are still struggling to understand the outcome and extraordinary circumstances. And the Harvard conversation revealed just how personally many of these top minds in politics made the contest. “We run shit like we ought to run it,” O’Malley Dillon said under persistent second-guessing of how Biden’s and then Harris’ campaigns were led. Here are 11 revelations that help tell the real story of the 2024 campaign. Over and over again, Trump’s aides and adversaries alike kept returning to the fact that a huge chunk of the GOP universe started with an immovable and immutable affinity for Trump. Efforts to tear him down never really found footing, and it was nearly impossible for other candidates to gain traction during the primaries. Those who tried, like former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie and former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley, ended up failing. Christie’s argument was pretty straightforward: Trump was a criminal unworthy of returning to power. Haley’s message was more nuanced, arguing Trump logged a net positive record but it was time to move past his era. Neither really prevailed. LaCivita further discounted any importance of Christie in the mix. “Chris Christie didn’t even enter into the discussion,” LaCivita said. “Chris Christie was never anything. Spare me the bullsh-t. ... He took up space, which he is very good at doing.” At another point, Trump political director James Blair said the efforts to take down Trump in the primary failed because they were not listening to real voters. “I’m sorry. No offense to Mike. But understand where the Republican electorate is,” Blair told Christie’s longtime strategist Mike DuHaime. For his part, South Carolina Sen. Tim Scott thought his strict anti-abortion position could help him differentiate himself from Trump, especially with Evangelicals in Iowa. “He speaks their language. He’s one of them,” adviser Matt Gorman said. The campaign leadership all knew that Scott’s positions were pretty far afield from where most Americans were thinking about abortion rights, but they set their sights on performing well in Iowa first. “If we get to the general, we’ll figure it out then,” Gorman said. It was similarly ill-fated for former Arkansas Gov. Asa Hutchinson’s bid. “We had a candidate who was very much in the mold of 2012, 2008, 2004,” Hutchinson campaign manager Rob Burgess said. In other words, someone who was totally mismatched to the moment. And Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’ efforts to run as “Trump Lite” or a more-electable version of Trumpism never seemed to find a glidepath. His efforts to reposition were even less credible. “Running to the right of Trump is not possible,” Blair said. An initial begrudging respect for DeSantis quickly faded once the campaign got underway. “We never saw anyone else as a serious threat,” Blair said. “We didn’t want a one-on-one with DeSantis.” Chief Trump pollster Tony Fabrizio echoed that in his own summary of the race: “DeSantis was a real threat. No offense to anybody else, but DeSantis was a real threat.” To fix that, the Trump team worked to “delegitimize” DeSantis, as Fabrizio described it, as a weirdo “who ate with his fingers.” “The attacks that we levied against Ron worked because they were believable,” deputy campaign manager Taylor Budowich said. LaCivita even laughed at how his team trolled DeSantis, including handing out chocolates shaped like boots to suggest their rival was lifts in his shoes. By the time they were toward Iowa, it was clear that DeSantis was playing way too hard for an impossible victory there. “He was never going to win Iowa. He raised expectations for him and lowered them for Trump,” Haley campaign manager Betsy Ankney said. “DeSantis ran a terrible campaign. He started with every advantage and he sort of imploded.” Others, too, initially saw DeSantis as the one to knock down a peg. “We viewed those two as the monsters in the race. They were inevitably going to clash,” said Mike Zolnierowicz, an adviser to North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum, said of DeSantis and Trump. Budowich, who earlier in his career worked to help DeSantis’ policy team come together, was unapologetic in his pluck against his former boss. “A lot of us woke up every morning thinking about how we would destroy Ron DeSantis. They were thinking about where they were going to happy hour in Tallahassee," Budowich said. The pile-on met little pushback. DeSantis’ campaign did not send a representative to the Harvard event. “It’s too bad we don’t have our other Florida friends here,” Budowich said dryly. It’s almost gospel at this point, but it remains a sacred reality that Trump doesn’t listen to anyone but himself. LaCivita said there were about 10 days when it was possible that Trump would have joined the primary debates. Network execs and star anchors were burning up Trump’s cell phone, making a self-interested play to get him onstage to boost their ratings. “Everyone in the world is calling him,” LaCivita said. But refusing to participate became a way for Trump to pick a fight with the Republican National Committee. “There was no way he was going to do it.” That was generally how most things in that campaign worked. “We didn’t over-analyze anything. In politics, people tend to over-analyze, over-think everything. Sometimes you have to accept the situation you’re in and you have to find the easiest, or most painless, way out of a problem,” LaCivita said. “You’re looking at Donald Trump. He’s Teflon.” While the quants had plenty of data about what was working and what wasn’t, there really was no meaningful substitute for the boss’ judgments. “You don’t sit down and say, ‘We have to do things this way.’ That’s a non-starter,” LaCivita said. But what they did in a very nimble way was to turn weekly jam sessions on policy—sometimes six hours at a time on camera for direct-to-viewer messages about a second-term agenda—into workshops on the hows and whys of governing and campaigning. At other junctures, they sent Trump into press conferences and interviews to get the juices flowing and get him practicing for the debates, even if they didn’t tell him what the goals were. “Donald Trump doesn’t prepare for debates like the way I’ve done it for 35 years... It’s an entirely different process. He doesn’t really do prep,” LaCivita said. The Trump campaign understood they could win if the race was based on policy and performance, but could not prevail if voters were deciding on personalities, Fabrizio said. But “you cannot control it,” Fabrizio said of Trump. LaCivita was equally resigned: “Worry about what you can control. On the campaign, I worried about what I could control. He was not one of them.” Trump’s team intentionally kept second-tier rivals in the mix as long as possible because, to their mind, a jumbled and crowded field split Trump skeptics and denied a serious one-on-one race. An errant social media post from Trump was sufficient to move the conversation of the entire primary field, and most of the Trump-free debates still started with questions about his campaign. “Every time you did something like that, it gave us another four days,” Hutchinson campaign manager Burgess said of Trump’s team mentioning the Governor in a social media post or statement. “Every time you put us in a press release, it was good.” That kept the GOP field unsettled until it was almost too late for anyone to rise. “The game was always going to be who was going to be the alternative... You have to get to the one-on-one spot,” Ankney of Haley’s team said. But with Trump’s onslaught of headline-grabbing antics, there never were real ways for that to winnow. “It blocked out everything else,” Ankney said. In hindsight, the campaigns all divided the vote in ways that only benefited Trump. “While running against Trump, they were helping Trump,” DuHaime said. Fabrizio and his allies were openly contemptuous of efforts—in the primary and then the general—to reach more voters. Instead of chasing 10 people and hoping to win one new person, they opted to go narrow and hard at their base, hoping to get two out of three contacts. By the end, they stopped looking at the broad universe of voters and instead went hard for low-propensity voters. “It was hyper-targeted on people who are not reachable by any other way,” Blair said. By contrast, Fabrizio said, the rivals adopted what amounted to a “spray and pray” approach. The Democrats, meanwhile, described a contest that consistently had their nominees trailing but within the margin of error—giving them flashes of hope until the end. “A floor and a ceiling can be the same thing,” Harris principal deputy campaign manager Quentin Fulks said. No one disputes thatBiden had an unmitigated of a debate on June 27. He stammered through a sloppy night facing off in what would be this cycle’s lone debate against Trump. Calls for his exit came quickly and loudly. It was an evening that reinforced the quiet rumblings whether octogenarian Biden was up for another four-year term. “The President prepped. I was at debate prep. He was strong. He was ready,” O’Malley Dillon said. But, she added, “We all saw what happened at the debate. He also is old and he knew that and we knew that. He’s also Joe Biden. ... We were not Pollyannish about any of that.” Fulks was equally as blunt: “We’re not blind, of course.” Another Biden deputy campaign manager, Rob Flaherty, did nothing to hide the disappointment: “Obviously, it was not a good night.” At Trump headquarters, the strategists went to work right away to build out research packets on potential replacements for Biden. They had one on Harris, but they wanted to look more widely, including what a potential campaign against someone like former First Lady Michelle Obama or former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton would look like. But they pushed pause on an ad hitting Biden for a poor showing, worried that it would have hastened Biden’s exit. They tweaked the programming for the debate in July to make sure the scripts were about the Biden-Harris administration, not just Biden. “We included her, but we didn’t lead with her,” Fabrizio said. At Biden HQ, the campaign thought they could weather the bad headlines. “In order to get out of the hole, we had to fight through it,” O’Malley Dillon said. At least until they couldn’t. Biden let his top hands know on July 21 that he’d be dropping out of the race. O’Malley Dillon said she and campaign manager Julie Chavez Rodriguez both cried that day, and insisted there had been zero planning for that moment. “Not one ounce,” O’Malley Dillon said. She called Flaherty, who oversaw the digital aspects of the campaign including its email and social media platforms, at 1:06 p.m and told him he needed to ready the news to go live at 1:45 p.m. They then realized they had to plug Harris’ nomination into a long-standing convention plan. “We had a convention that was built for Joe Biden,” said O’Malley Dillon. (By the way, those persistent of a celebrity appearance at the convention? “F-king bullsh-t,” she said.) The shuffle was a shock to Trump’s team. “July 21st comes and it’s— —you hit a brick wall,” Fabrizio said. Trump and his allies sped up the advertising spending plan to start to define Harris before she and her allies had a chance to do it for her. “It was like immediately going into overdrive,” Fabrizio said. Because it was a Sunday, some had to postpone personal plans, like going to the beach. O’Malley Dillon had little sympathy for her rivals: “A lot of things got f–ked.” Then there were the attempts on Trump’s life, including a July 13 shooting at a rally in Butler, Pa., and a thwarted sequel near a Florida golf course on Sept. 15. They brought a huge shift in how the campaign was able to move. “From that point on, two-thirds of the time was spent on things that had nothing to do with a campaign,” LaCivita said. They had to deploy decoy motorcades for fear of more assassination attempts. The same was true for decoy airplanes. Events couldn’t be outside without more precautions, the thick bullet-proof glass framing for Trump’s podiums didn’t move easily. “It severely limited us where we could campaign,” Fabrizio said. LaCivita spoke sharply about the Secret Service’s leadership for hampering their nimbleness: top officials “dragged ass” in keeping Trump under glass, he said. With limited time, Harris wanted to bait Trump into more debates after their first and only match-up on Sept. 10. Trump’s team told him not to fall for it, despite a push from Fox News and party insiders. O’Malley Dillon said they wanted to debate so badly they’d have allowed one hosted by a Fox News anchor. Meanwhile, Trump’s team was nervous about a second debate against Harris given she landed plenty of blows in the first one. But O’Malley Dillon said she does not list a lack of a second debate as a deciding factor in the election. It could have even hurt Harris: pollster Molly Murphy said Harris could have lost ground if she had a bad night. “We were up against a caricature of being dangerously liberal,” O’Malley Dillon said. A devastating anti-transgender ad from the Trump campaign feed that image, coupled with Harris’ ties to the unpopular Biden record. Efforts to draft Republican former Rep. Liz Cheney made some difference in suburban areas in Blue Wall states. But Harris’ flub on was seen as a problem that was not going to be a one-day story. Given a softball to explain what she might have done differently than Biden, she said “not a thing that comes to mind.” “It was a big looming negative hanging over us the whole time,” Fulks said. “We didn’t lose this f—king race because of ,” O’Malley Dillon said. Trump’s camp had its own flubs in the final stretch. But his team didn’t think a racially insensitive comedian at a Madison Square Garden rally would in the end. “We knew it would blow over,” Fabrizio said. By the time Election Day arrived, O’Malley Dillon felt the Harris campaign was facing a different standard than the one enjoyed by Trump. O’Malley Dillon also said that Harris’ race and gender did not decide the race on their own, but cannot be ignored. “There is no way to look at this race without factoring that in,” she said. That doesn’t mean the Harris defeat is any less painful for her advisers. “We lost,” O’Malley Dillon said. “So everything requires us to relook at everything.” But asked directly if Biden would have won if he stayed in the race, O’Malley Dillon was summarily dismissive: “We don’t engage in hypotheticals.”

NonePhilippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. on Monday (November 25, 2024) described a public threat by the vice president to have him killed by an assassin as a criminal plot and vowed to fight it, in a looming showdown between the country’s two top leaders. Vice President Sara Duterte said Saturday (November 23, 2024) in an online news conference that she has contracted an assassin to kill the president, his wife and the speaker of the House of Representatives if she herself is killed, in a threat she warned was not a joke. The national police and military immediately boosted the security of the president, and the justice department said it would summon the vice president for an investigation. The National Security Council said it considered the threat a national security concern. The vice president, a lawyer, later tried to walk back her remarks by saying it was not an actual threat but an expression of concern about her own safety over an unspecified threat. “Why would I kill him if not for revenge from the grave? There is no reason for me to kill him. What’s the benefit for me?” Ms. Duterte told journalists. “That criminal plot should not be allowed to pass,” Mr. Marcos said in a televised statement, without mentioning Ms. Duterte by name. “I’ll fight it.” “As a democratic country, we need to uphold the rule of law,” Mr. Marcos said. Mr. Marcos ran with Ms. Duterte as his vice-presidential running mate in May 2022 elections and both won landslide victories on a campaign call of national unity. In the Philippines, the two positions are elected separately. The two leaders and their camps, however, soon had a bitter falling out over key differences, including in their approaches to China’s aggressive territorial claims in the disputed South China Sea. Ms. Duterte resigned from the Marcos Cabinet in June as education secretary and head of an anti-insurgency body. On Monday (November 25, 2024), Justice Undersecretary Jesse Andres said in a news conference that Ms. Duterte would be subpoenaed to face an investigation. Mr. Andres called the vice president the “self-confessed mastermind” of a “premeditated plot to assassinate the president.” All government resources and law enforcement agencies would be mobilized to identify the alleged assassin and determine criminal accountability, he said. “We have to maintain order in a civilized society by adherence to the rule of law and we will apply the full strength and force of the law on this,” Mr. Andres said. Under Philippine law, such public remarks may constitute a crime of threatening to inflict a wrong on a person or their family and are punishable by a jail term and fine. The Philippine Constitution says that if a president dies, sustains a permanent disability, is removed from office or resigns, the vice president takes over and serves the rest of the term. Ms. Duterte said she was ready to face investigators or an impeachment complaint in Congress, but added she would also demand answers to her allegations against Mr. Marcos and his allies. “I will also not allow what they did to me to pass,” she told reporters. The vice president is the daughter of Marcos’ predecessor, Rodrigo Duterte, whose police-enforced anti-drug crackdown when he was a city mayor and later president left thousands of mostly petty drug suspects dead in killings that the International Criminal Court has been investigating as a possible crime against humanity. Like her equally outspoken father, the vice president became a vocal critic of Mr. Marcos, his wife Liza Araneta-Marcos and House Speaker Martin Romualdez, the president’s cousin, accusing them of corruption, incompetence and political persecution the Duterte family and its supporters. Last month, the vice president told reporters her relationship with Mr. Marcos had “gone so toxic” that she has imagined “cutting his head. Romualdez told the House of Representatives that the vice president was trying to distract attention from her alleged misuse of public funds, which Congress is investigating. Several legislators reaffirmed their trust in the House speaker and condemned Ms. Duterte’s remarks. Her latest tirade was set off by the decision by House members allied with Romualdez and Mr. Marcos to detain Ms. Duterte’s chief of staff, Zuleika Lopez, who was accused of hampering a congressional inquiry into the possible misuse of Ms. Duterte’s budget as vice president and education secretary. Lopez has been detained in a hospital after being traumatized by a plan by legislators to temporarily detain her in prison. In a pre-dawn online news conference on Saturday (November 23, 2024), an angry Ms. Duterte accused Mr. Marcos of incompetence as president and of being a liar along with his wife and the House speaker, in expletive-laden remarks. When concerns over her security were raised, Ms. Duterte, 46, suggested there was an unspecified plot to kill her. “Don’t worry about my security because I’ve talked with somebody. I said ‘if I’m killed, you’ll kill BBM, Liza Araneta and Martin Romualdez. No joke, no joke,’” the vice president said, without elaborating and using the initials that many use to refer to the president. “I’ve given my order, ‘If I die, don’t stop until you’ve killed them.’ And he said, ’yes,’” the vice president said. Published - November 26, 2024 02:00 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit Philippines / criminal

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NoneThe Tale Of Lady Ok Episode 3: How to Watch, Preview, Spoilers, and MorePatrica Brown Peckham, 90, was born in Blantyre, Lanarkshire County, Scotland, on Friday, November 9, 1934 to William and Annie Brown. She was of Lithuanian (surname Mayuskas) and Irish (surname Murphy) decent. She was predeceased by her husband of nearly 20 years, Jim Peckham, her parents and her beloved siblings Billy (and wife May), and Eileen (and husband Jimmy) of Cambuslang and Bothwell, respectively. Patsy, as she was known to her family, was a stunningly beautiful woman, and was both a print and runway model in London, England before marriage to her first husband in Hong Kong, China, where her daughter was born. She gave up the glamor of modeling and world travel to be a wife and mother, and was dedicated to her adopted United States on arriving in Dallas, Texas in the late 1950s. On moving to Argyle in the early 1970’s with her new husband, Jim Peckham, she became very active in the community, serving as President of the Republican Women’s Club and on the Denton County Historical Commission where she was instrumental in the contracting for and building of the All-War Veteran’s Memorial on the Courthouse Square in Denton. She was a prolific letter-to-the-editor writer and had hundreds of them published in the Denton Record-Chronicle and Dallas Morning News. She was stunned to hear that her letters were part of the discussion in a political science course at NTSU. As a British Subject, she had to decline to act as a poll worker in a local election and was embarrassed to tell anyone why, so in 1987 she worked to become an American Citizen, an accomplishment that was one of her greatest sources of pride. She was sharp and politically opinionated to the last - watching and commenting on daily events - finding community with those who agreed with her or would engage her in debate. She was most proud however of her children, Pam Riley of Orange, Charles Peckham (Veronica) of Houston, and Jamie Peckham of Aubrey. Her stepson and his wife, Sam and Diane Peckham, were very kind to her and she was most appreciative of them. Her grandchildren are Heather Swartz, Charles Henry Peckham, Kincaid Peckham, and Katheleen Peckham. She also has three great-grandchildren, Korban and Geoffrey Swartz and Peyton Kristian Vaughn. Special thanks to her neighbors, Susan and Garry O’Neal, whose care and kindness in her last days made her transition peaceful. Thanks too to Michelle and other attentive staff of Concho Hearts of Pilot Point whose care and compassion was beyond words. As a Roman Catholic, thank you to the clergy and staff of St. Mark’s of Argyle for providing last rites. There will be a memorial remembrance in Blantyre, Scotland when her ashes are spread at her parents’ resting place.