Updated December 29, 2024 at 17:44 PM ET Few presidents have come as far as fast in national politics as Jimmy Carter . In 1974, he was nearing the end of his single term as governor of Georgia when he told the world he wanted to be president. Two years later, he was the president-elect. Although his name recognition nationally was only 2% at the time of his announcement, Carter believed he could meet enough people personally to make a strong showing in the early presidential caucuses and primaries. He embarked on a 37-state tour, making more than 200 speeches before any of the other major candidates had announced. When voting began in Iowa and New Hampshire in the winter of 1976, Carter emerged the winner in both states. He rode that momentum all the way to the presidential nomination and held on to win a close contest in the general election. His career as a highly active former president lasted four full decades and ended only with his death Sunday in his hometown of Plains, Ga. He was 100 and had lived longer than any other U.S. president, battling cancer in both his brain and liver in his 90s. A life that bridged political eras James Earl Carter Jr. was the 39th U.S. president, elected as a Democrat displacing the incumbent Republican, Gerald Ford, in 1976. Carter would serve a single tumultuous term in the White House, beset by inflation, energy shortages, intraparty challenges and foreign crises. But he managed to win the nomination for a second term. He lost his bid for reelection to Republican Ronald Reagan in a landslide in 1980. Thereafter, he worked with Habitat for Humanity and traveled the globe as an indefatigable advocate for peace and human rights. He was given the U.N. Prize in the Field of Human Rights in 1998 and awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002. Carter was the first president from the Deep South elected since the Civil War. He entered politics at a time when Democrats still dominated in his home state and region. He had begun his career as a naval officer in the submarine corps, but in 1953 he left the service to take over the family peanut business when his father died. He later served four years in Georgia's state legislature before making his first bid for governor in 1966. In that contest, he finished behind another Democrat, Lester Maddox, a populist figure known for brandishing a pickax handle to confront civil rights protesters outside his Atlanta restaurant. Carter shared much of the traditional white Southern cultural identity. But he was also noted for his support for integration and the Civil Rights Movement led by fellow Georgian Martin Luther King Jr. Four years after losing to Maddox, Carter was elected his successor and declared in his inaugural speech that "the time for racial discrimination is over." Time magazine would feature him on its cover four months later, making him a symbol of the "New South." And as his term as governor ended, he was all in on a presidential bid. But he did not burst onto the national stage so much as he crept up onto it, appearing before small groups in farming communities and elsewhere far from the big media centers. A meteoric rise to the White House Beyond his earnest image and rhetoric, Carter also had a savvy game plan based on the new presidential nominating rules that the Democratic Party had adopted in the early 1970s. Carter's team, led by campaign manager Hamilton Jordan, mastered this new road map, with Carter climbing from a strong showing in the still-new Iowa caucuses to a clean win in New Hampshire's primary. So though in January 1976 he was the first choice of only 4% of Democrats nationally, he won the first two events and leveraged that attention to capture the imagination of voters in other regions. Carter shut out segregationist champion George Wallace in the Southern primaries and also dominated in the industrial states of the North and Midwest. Democrats held 48 primaries or caucuses around the United States that year, and Carter won 30, with no other candidate winning more than five. Wherever he went, he was able to connect with rural voters and evangelicals wherever they were to be found — doing well in big cities but also in the sparsely populated parts of Ohio and Pennsylvania. While Carter's juggernaut lost momentum in the summer and fall, with Republican President Gerald Ford nearly closing the polling gap by Election Day, the Georgian held on to win 50% of the popular vote in November. By winning in his home state and everywhere else in the South (save only Virginia) while holding on to enough of the key population centers in the Northeast and Great Lakes regions, Carter was able to cobble together nearly 300 Electoral College votes without winning California, Illinois or Michigan. Troubles in office The surprisingly modest margin of Carter's victory over Ford augured more difficulties ahead. And as well as the Carter persona may have suited the national mood in 1976, it did not fit well in the Washington he found in 1977. All presidential candidates who "run against Washington" find it necessary to adjust their tactics if and when they are elected. But the former peanut farmer and his campaign staff known as the "Georgia mafia" never seemed to lose faith in the leverage they thought they had as outsiders. Almost immediately upon taking office, Carter encountered difficulties with various power centers in Congress. He and his tight circle of aides brought along from Georgia and the campaign were not attuned to congressional customs or prerogatives, and a variety of their agenda priorities ran afoul of their own party's preferences. A case in point was a "hit list" of Western water projects that the Carterites regarded as needless pork barrel spending. For a raft of Democratic senators and representatives facing reelection in thirsty states and districts, the list came as a declaration of war. Although Congress fought Carter to a draw on the projects, many of these Western seats would be lost to Republican challengers in 1978 and 1980. Carter did have signal successes in brokering a historic peace deal between Israel and Egypt and in securing Senate ratification of his treaties ceding the Panama Canal to Panama. He also managed to achieve significant reforms in regulations — especially those affecting energy production and transportation — that would eventually lower consumer prices. Carter had taken office amid historically high inflation and energy prices that had persisted since the Arab oil embargo of 1973. Carter appointed a new chair of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volcker, whose tight money policies eventually tamed inflation but also triggered a recession and the highest unemployment rates since the Great Depression. Along the way, there was more grief on the oil front as Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979 caused not only a price spike but long lines at the pump — worse than in 1973. Carter and the Democrats paid a price, suffering more than the usual losses for the president's party in the 1978 midterm elections, which greatly reduced Democratic margins in both the House and the Senate. Yet the Iranian crisis had even worse consequences. The revolution saw the overthrow of the Shah, a longtime ally of the U.S., and the installation of a stern theocratic regime led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a fierce critic of the United States. When Carter agreed to grant the Shah a visa to receive cancer treatments in the U.S., young followers of the ayatollah overran the U.S. Embassy in Tehran . Fifty-two Americans were taken hostage for 444 days. Carter's efforts to free them were unavailing. An airborne raid intended to free them ended in catastrophe in the Iranian desert, leaving eight U.S. service members dead after a collision of aircraft on the ground. Afghanistan becomes an issue Yet another blow was dealt to Carter's standing when the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan to prop up its client regime there. Opposing that aggression was popular, but Carter's decision to retaliate by having the U.S. boycott the 1980 Olympics in Moscow was less so. Carter was able to use the hostage crisis to his advantage in suppressing the challenge to his nomination mounted by Sen. Edward Kennedy of Massachusetts. Carter refused to debate Kennedy and made the primaries a kind of referendum on the Iranian situation. Enough Democrats rallied to his side that Kennedy's bid, a favorite cause of liberal activists and organized labor, fell far short. Still, it contributed to the weakness of Carter's standing in the general election. And what had worked against a challenger from the Democratic left did not work when Carter faced one from the Republican right. Ronald Reagan was a former two-term governor of California who had sought the nomination twice before, and he did not begin 1980 as the consensus choice of his party. But he wove a complex set of issues into a fabric with broad appeal. He proposed sweeping tax cuts as a tonic for the economy, more spending on defense, a more aggressive foreign policy and, just as important, a return to the traditional values of "faith, freedom, family, work and neighborhood." He also opposed abortion and busing for racial integration and favored school prayer — the three hottest buttons in social policy at the time. After a come-from-behind win in New Hampshire and a sweep of the Southern primaries, Reagan never looked back. His triumph at the Republican National Convention in Detroit set the tone for his campaign. The election looked close at Labor Day and even into October. But the single debate the two camps agreed to , held on Oct. 28, 1980, the week before the election, was a clear win for the challenger. Carter failed in his attempts to paint Reagan as an extremist. The Republican managed to be reassuring and upbeat even as he kept up his attacks on Carter's handling of the economy and on the rest of Carter's record. The polls broke sharply in the final days, and in November, Reagan captured nearly all the Southern states that Carter had carried four years earlier and won the 1980 presidential election with 489 Electoral College votes. Carter conceded before the polls had even closed on the West Coast. Reassessment in retrospect Historians have generally not rated Carter's presidency highly, and he left office with his Gallup poll approval rating in the low 30s. But there has been a steady upward trajectory in assessments of his presidency in recent years, and his Gallup approval rating has climbed back above 50% and has remained there among the public at large. This reflects the work of several Carter biographers and former aides and the natural comparison with the presidents who have followed him. In 2018, Stuart E. Eizenstat, Carter's chief domestic policy adviser, published President Carter: The White House Years , which historians have praised both as a primary source and as an assessment of Carter's term. In it, Eizenstat wrote that Carter "was not a great president, but he was a good and productive one. He delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office. He was a man of almost unyielding principle. Yet his greatest virtue was at once his most serious fault for a president in an American democracy of divided powers." As far back as 2000, historian Douglas Brinkley wrote that in the first 20 years after Carter lost the presidency, he had become "renowned the world over as the epitome of the caring, compassionate, best sort of American statesman ... an exemplar of behavior for all national leaders in retirement." A new life out of office But the greatest factor in Carter's rising reputation was his own performance in his post-presidential career. He worked with Habitat for Humanity to rehabilitate homes for low-income families. He taught at Emory University and established his own nonprofit, the Carter Center . And over the ensuing decades, he published more than two dozen books and became an international advocate for peace, democratic reforms and humanitarian causes. As former president, Carter did not shy from controversy, particularly when it came to the Middle East, the region that gave him his greatest foreign policy achievement and also his most damaging setback as president. 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The 39th president of the United States has died at 100. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution confirmed the news with a post on X, stating the son of the former president said his father had died around 3:40 p.m. ET in his Plains home. People across the country and the world are reflecting on former President Jimmy Carter and his life, which was full of achievements. He died at the age of 100 at his longtime home in Plains, Georgia . While the 39th president will be remembered for setting a national energy policy and working on peace accords, it was his establishment of an agency aimed at responding to disasters that continues to impact many communities today. Since the country’s formation in the 1700s, local governments have faced disasters in which the needed response has been considered too great to handle. The federal government started providing aid and assistance in the early 1800s, but it wasn’t until Carter’s signing of Executive Order 12127 that an agency was solely tasked with responding to hurricanes, floods, earthquakes and other disasters. Before Carter was sworn in on Jan. 20, 1977, the country was reeling from natural disasters, with poor governmental responses that only made the catastrophes worse. In 1962, an extratropical cyclone slammed into the mid-Atlantic and became one of the most destructive storms ever to impact the states. The year 1964 brought the most powerful earthquake to ever strike North America, with a 9.2-magnitude quake shaking the ground underneath Alaska. Over the next five years, communities along the Gulf Coast would face double disasters from major hurricanes Betsy and Camille. Former U.S. President Jimmy Carter speaks as he tours homes being built by Habitat for Humanity in Pascagoula, Mississippi, in May 2008 during rebuilding efforts after Hurricane Katrina. (Photo by James Edward Bates/Biloxi Sun Herald/Tribune News Ser All these disasters caused extensive devastation and were responsible for killing hundreds of people, but a common theme emerged – poorly coordinated responses . According to the Jimmy Carter Presidential Library and Museum , the president had universal support from governors and interest groups to form an agency to combat the problem. With the political will in hand, the Federal Emergency Management Agency was born on April 1, 1979. The agency was tasked with emergency management response and merged the Defense Civil Preparedness Agency, Federal Preparedness Agency, Federal Disaster Assistance Administration, Federal Insurance Administration, U.S. Fire Administration and half-a-dozen other programs. Gordon Vickery , a highly respected firefighter, who rose through the ranks to become the fire chief in Seattle, was selected as interim head of the then-2,400-person-strong agency. In the hours before the agency’s ramp-up, an accident at the Three Mile Island Nuclear Power Plant in Pennsylvania overshadowed the initial days of the agency and drew attention to inadequate preparedness surrounding highly volatile energy plants. Dangerous and now deadly severe weather is sweeping through the South Saturday evening, just hours after multiple tornadoes left damage in the southeastern part of Texas. Bill Bunting, Deputy Director of the National Weather Service's Storm Prediction Center join LiveNOW's Austin Westfall to give the latest weather update. The event would trigger one of many expansions of powers for the newly-formed agency. Carter signed Executive Order 12148 , which directed FEMA to develop a plan to respond to nuclear emergencies. Now, the agency, once solely tasked with emergency management responses, also gained civil defense responsibilities. These changes were far from the last for the agency with a then-$600 million budget. The position of leading FEMA appeared to become a preverbal carousel with three leaders in just two months. Stability among government ranks took a further hit when Carter lost his reelection campaign to former California Gov. Ronald Reagan. The changing of the guard at the White House did little to stop the trend of temporary appointments, as 1981 brought three additional heads to the agency. In addition to the change at the top, a political landslide gave the Regan administration the political power to change course on many aspects of government operations and that included FEMA. According to an agency history , developments in Cold War diplomacy contributed to more wartime hazard planning. The leader at the time, retired Army officer Louis Giuffrida, made it to be the longest-serving head of FEMA, but questionable actions and congressional investigation ultimately led to his resignation in 1985. The agency once again fell into the pattern where it was anyone’s gig, but a disaster known as Hurricane Hugo in 1989 served as a reminder of the importance of a functioning FEMA. North Carolina Governor Roy Cooper called the ongoing disaster "catastrophic," as the state manages its worst flooding in a century. Search and rescue teams from 19 states, as well as the federal government, are on the ground trying to help residents. Cell phone service is down, and the governor's office reports more than 200 people have been rescued from flood waters so far. FEMA's Acting Director of Response and Recovery, Keith Turi, joins LiveNOW from FOX with the latest operation details. Hugo was the strongest storm to strike the U.S. coastline in two decades and came ashore in the Carolinas as a Category 4 hurricane with estimated winds of at least 135 mph. The storm produced $11 billion in damage, and FEMA was in charge of the response. A government history of the time period stated: "FEMA, the agency in charge of the response process, received most of the blame; FEMA, not Hurricane Hugo, was referred to as the real disaster." Again, the agency was the subject of congressional ridicule, with U.S. Sen. Ernest Hollings calling FEMA "the sorriest bunch of bureaucratic jackasses I’ve ever known." The administration of President George H.W. Bush pledged to set the course right on FEMA and searched high and low for its next head. The administration put their faith in Wallace Stickney from New England. No one could foresee that the agency would be tasked with its largest disaster in more than two years – Hurricane Andrew . The major hurricane made landfall on Aug. 24, 1992, as a Category 4 hurricane in South Florida. A NOAA reanalysis in 2004 upgraded the costliest hurricane ever to a Category 5. Similar to Hurricane Hugo, the response to the catastrophe was considered inadequate and had local, state and even some federal officials asking if the agency’s response made the disaster even worse. A federal investigation into the agency’s response found that plans for disasters were not adequate, local governments were overwhelmed and the movement of materials and personnel into the impact zone was too slow. The administration of President Bill Clinton brought a slew of new faces into the federal government, including James Lee Witt. The Arkansan knew a thing or two about emergency services and was appointed as the sixth permanent administrator of FEMA. Similar to other leaders of the agency, Mother Nature did not provide a grace period for Witt, as hurricanes, massive floods and West Coast earthquakes left few areas of the country unaffected. One of the largest disasters was the Great Flood of 1993, which impacted nearly a dozen states and caused damages of more than $15 billion across the Midwest. During the recovery, officials lauded FEMA’s response and confidence grew in Witt being the right person to lead the agency. Former U.S. president Jimmy Carter remains in home hospice after a series of hospital stays. Thomas Whalen, an associate professor of Social Sciences at Boston University joined LiveNOW from FOX's Josh Breslow to discuss Carter's legacy. A series of disasters, including the bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995, proved the agency was at the beckoning of any municipality. Not long after the deadliest act of domestic terrorism in U.S. history, Clinton raised the FEMA position to cabinet-level status, underscoring the growing importance and reliability of the agency. During a 1998 interview , Witt was asked what adjustments were made that enabled outsiders to view FEMA in a more positive light versus the ridicule and scorn that had plagued it. "We worked hard at creating a more customer-focused agency," Witt said. "A major initiative was to provide customer service training to all FEMA employees, including senior management. This was a huge undertaking." After Witt’s reign, the agency would go on to have many ups and downs, including what news organizations reported was a botched response to Hurricane Katrina , which struck the Gulf Coast on Aug. 29, 2005. The major storm resulted in more than 1,300 fatalities and a damage figure that topped a 2023-cost-adjusted price tag of $191 billion. REPORT: 90% OF COUNTIES IN US EXPERIENCED AT LEAST 1 DISASTER IN PAST DECADE On significant anniversaries, FEMA leaders usually take to social media to reflect on the agency’s beginning, but on a daily basis, trainees are exposed to a message that reflects upon Carter’s role in its establishment. Located within FEMA training documents is a pledge that the commitment bestowed on the agency by Carter will never change. The passage reads: "On April 1, 1979, President Jimmy Carter signed the Executive Order that created the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA). From day one, FEMA has remained committed to protecting and serving the American people. That commitment to the people we serve and the belief in our survivor-centric mission will never change." In many ways, the agency continues to follow one of the first lines ever uttered by the 39th president. During his inaugural address on that cold, 28-degree day in January, Carter boldly told the crowd of thousands: "To be true to ourselves, we must be true to others." The line was part of a 1,228-word speech that the White House Historical Association said was focused on rejecting mediocrity and restoring trust in the federal government. Read more of this story from FOX Weather.Aden Holloway established career highs of 26 points and eight 3-pointers to help No. 5 Alabama roll to a 105-82 nonconference victory over South Dakota State on Sunday at Tuscaloosa, Ala. Freshman Labaron Philon had the best game of his young career with 21 points and six assists for the Crimson Tide (11-2). Mark Sears had 20 points, including 6-for-14 3-point shooting. Grant Nelson added 17 points and eight rebounds and scored the game's first eight points. Alabama coach Nate Oats has sometimes been critical of his squad's defensive effort and the second half against the Jackrabbits will provide more fuel for that concern. Alabama did connect on a season-best 19 3-point shots but also attempted 55 long-range shots (34.5 percent). The Tide also saw South Dakota State put up 49 points in the second half to keep the score relatively competitive. Alabama claimed a fifth straight win with its third 100-plus point performance of the season. South Dakota State (9-6) was led by Washington State transfer Oscar Cluff, who had 21 points and 15 rebounds, including seven offensive boards. The Jackrabbits connected on 11-for-26 3-point shooting (42.3 percent), with guard Isaac Lindsey scoring 11 points, including 3-for-6 on 3-point tries. After Nelson's personal 8-0 run to open the game, South Dakota State pulled with 16-14 on a shot by William Whorton with 11:45 to play in the opening half. But Alabama then broke the game open, going on a 24-3 run culminating in a Holloway 3-pointer to give the Tide a 40-17 edge with 7:37 left in the opening half. South Dakota State trailed 57-33 at halftime, but played a much more competitive second half offensively by connecting on 17 of 33 shots (51.5 percent). Alabama will open 2025 with a home game against No. 12 Oklahoma on Saturday. South Dakota State will host Summit Conference opponent Denver on Thursday. --Field Level Media
The season came to a close for the Del Norte Warriors on Friday against Moreau Catholic with a 14-7 loss in the Division 7 North Coast Section semifinals. Del Norte entered Friday’s game riding an eight-game win streak, not having lost a game since mid-September against the Arcata Tigers. Three Warriors’ turnovers doomed Del Norte along with the Warriors not completing a single pass. Senior quarterback Aidan Rice went 0-3 with a pick in the game. While the Del Norte offense doesn’t typically air out the football, getting shutout in the passing game placed more emphasis on the Warriors rushing attack. Del Norte finished with 219 rushing yards, with senior running back Benjamin Borges leading the way with 132 yards on 24 carries. Moreau Catholic took a 6-0 lead in the first quarter but a missed PAT had Del Norte take the lead later in the quarter when senior Curtis Bartley scored from 16-yards out to take a 7-6 lead. Moreau Catholic retook the lead in the second half with another touchdown and successful 2-point try to push the Mariners’ lead to 14-7. Following Rice’s interception, Del Norte sophomore Sawyer Fry got the ball back for the Warriors with an interception of his own. Following Fry’s pick, the Warriors offense went punt and then a turnover on downs to end the game and the season. Del Norte’s season ends at 9-3 with a Big 4 title going a perfect 3-0 in league play. Dylan McNeill can be reached at 707-441-0526.