West Ham boss Julen Lopetegui left furious by Gerard Pique accusationAD FEATURE: 10 top festive presents: your Christmas shopping, wrapped upHONDA and Nissan are in talks to deepen ties, two people said on Wednesday (Dec 18), including a possible merger, the clearest sign yet of how Japan’s once seemingly unbeatable auto industry is being reshaped by challenges from Tesla and Chinese rivals. A combined Honda and Nissan would create a US$54 billion company with annual output of 7.4 million vehicles, making it the world’s third-largest auto group by vehicle sales after Toyota and Volkswagen. The two firms already forged a strategic partnership in March to cooperate in electric vehicle development, but Nissan’s deepening financial and strategic trouble in recent months has added more urgency for closer cooperation with larger rival Honda. Nissan announced a US$2.6 billion cost savings plan last month that includes cutting 9,000 jobs and 20 per cent of its global production capacity, as slumping sales in China and the US led to an 85 per cent plunge in second-quarter profit. “This deal appears to be more about bailing out Nissan, but Honda itself is not resting on its laurels,” said Sanshiro Fukao, executive fellow at Itochu Research Institute. “Honda’s cash flow is set to deteriorate next year and its EVs (electric vehicles) haven’t been going so well.” Shares of Nissan closed nearly 24 per cent higher in Tokyo trade on Wednesday, while shares of Honda, whose market value of US$43 billion is more than four times bigger than that of Nissan, declined 3 per cent. Shares of Mitsubishi Motors, in which Nissan is the top shareholder with a 24 per cent stake, gained nearly 20 per cent. The automakers have been grappling with challenges from EV makers, particularly in China, where BYD and others have surged ahead. The talks between Honda and Nissan, first reported by the Nikkei newspaper, could allow the companies to cooperate more on technology and help them create a more formidable domestic rival to Toyota. The discussions are focused on finding ways to bolster collaboration and include the possibility of setting up a holding company, said the people, who declined to be identified because the information has not been made public. The companies are also discussing the possibility of a full merger, according to one of the people, as well as looking at ways to cooperate with Mitsubishi. Honda, Nissan and Mitsubishi said that no deal had been announced by any of the companies, though Nissan and Mitsubishi noted the three automakers had said previously they were considering opportunities for future collaboration. French automaker Renault, a major Nissan shareholder, said it had no information and declined to comment. Renault shares jumped 6.5 per cent. The three Japanese automakers are expected to hold a joint news conference in Tokyo on Monday, according to a source familiar with the matter. Taiwan’s Foxconn, which manufactures Apple’s iPhones and has been seeking to expand its nascent EV contract manufacturing business, approached Nissan about a bid but it was rejected by the Japanese firm, two separate sources familiar with the matter said. Bloomberg News reported earlier on Wednesday that Foxconn had approached Nissan to take a controlling stake. Foxconn did not immediately respond to a request for comment, while a Nissan spokesperson declined to comment on Foxconn. Over the past year, an EV price war launched by Tesla and BYD has intensified pressure on any automakers losing money on the next-generation vehicles. That has put pushed companies like Honda and Nissan to seek ways to cut costs and speed vehicle development, and mergers are a major step in that direction. “In the mid- to long-term, this is good for the Japanese car industry as it creates a second axis against Toyota,” said Seiji Sugiura, a senior analyst at Tokai Tokyo Intelligence Laboratory. “Constructive rivalry with Toyota is a positive for the rather stagnating Japanese car industry when it must compete with Chinese automakers, Tesla and others.” Any merger would face significant US scrutiny and President-elect Donald Trump has vowed to take a hard line on imported vehicles, including threatening 25 per cent tariffs on vehicles shipped from Canada and Mexico. He could seek concessions from Honda and Nissan to approve any deal, auto industry officials pointed out. Honda and Nissan both produce cars in Mexico for export to the United States. Honda and Nissan would also have to work out how to integrate their different corporate cultures if they proceed with a merger, analysts said. “Honda has a unique, technology-centric culture with strengths in powertrains, so there should be some internal resistance to the merger with Nissan, a competitor with a different culture that is now faltering,” said Tang Jin, a senior researcher at Mizuho Bank. REUTERS
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Bluesky has growing pains. Here's what it can learn from X/Twitter
SEATTLE (AP) — The Seattle Seahawks were struggling a week ago, coming off their bye having lost five of their last six games. That included a gut-punch overtime defeat at home against the Los Angeles Rams on Nov. 3. The outlook for the last-place Seahawks (5-5) was beginning to look grim. They suddenly have renewed optimism this week after an uplifting victory over the San Francisco 49ers that snapped a six-game losing streak against their arch-rival that dated to 2021. Seattle will play the first-place Arizona Cardinals (6-4) on Sunday for a share of the NFC West lead. How quickly things change in the NFL. “We’ve earned the opportunity to be fighting for the lead in the division going into the home stretch,” Seahawks coach Mike Macdonald said. “So that’s the way we’re treating it. It’s very much like a playoff mindset for us at this point.” The win over the 49ers, which was capped by a 13-yard touchdown run by quarterback Geno Smith with 18 seconds left, put the Seahawks in a much better place mentally than they’d been in over the previous six weeks. They're hoping it's just the start of something even bigger. “It can just spark something that you’ve been looking for this whole year,” wide receiver DK Metcalf said. “I know we started off very hot with the first three games, but, you know, when adversity hit, it’s all about how you respond. I think we responded the right way, and it’s going to carry us throughout the rest of the season.” While the Seahawks are feeling better this week, the Cardinals have plenty of reason to feel optimistic, too. After starting the season 2-4, Arizona has won four straight to put itself in first place in the NFC West. The Cardinals have a defense that is making big strides under the leadership of veteran safety Budda Baker and a top-five running game behind the dual threat of running back James Conner, who has 697 yards rushing, and quarterback Kyler Murray, who seems to be hitting his stride in his sixth NFL season. Murray has 2,058 yards passing with 12 touchdowns, and has rushed for 371 yards and four scores. Second-year head coach Jonathan Gannon has been impressed with Murray’s improved decision-making as Murray has thrown just three interceptions through 10 games. “There’s times that he probably wants to try to thread it a little bit, but understands when to pick and choose his spots,” Gannon said. “I think he’s done a phenomenal job with that and there are a lot of times throughout the game where you could say we like to put it in the quarterback’s hands, and you trust him to make the right decision for that point in the game.” Seahawks wide receiver Jaxon Smith-Njigba will see a familiar face on the other sideline Sunday in rookie Marvin Harrison Jr., who was Smith-Njigba’s college teammate at Ohio State in 2021 and 2022. The pair each caught three touchdowns in the Buckeyes’ wild win over Utah in the 2022 Rose Bowl, with Smith-Njigba having 347 yards receiving on what was a 573-passing yard day for C.J. Stroud, now the quarterback of the Houston Texans. “Late his freshman year, he really just stood out,” Smith-Njigba said of Harrison. “You could just see the growth and kind of who he is becoming. ... He’s passed a lot of people’s expectations, of course, but I knew he was going to be elite later on freshman year.” Murray is coming off one of the best games of his career after completing 22 of 24 passes for 266 yards and a touchdown against the Jets two weeks ago. He also ran for 21 yards and two TDs. Murray currently ranks No. 3 in the NFL in quarterback rating behind Cincinnati's Joe Burrow and Baltimore's Lamar Jackson. That has put him in the MVP conversation, particularly since Arizona has won four straight games. “I don’t play the game for the validation of others," Murray said. "But as a player, of course, sometimes the recognition and the words being said feel good. But it doesn’t satisfy me.” The most surprising part of Arizona’s four-game winning streak is the rapid improvement of the defense, which has allowed just 9 and 6 points, respectively, over the past two games. No touchdowns have been allowed – just five field goals. It’s just the second time over the past 30 years that the franchise has allowed 10 points or less over back-to-back games. Baker, a Bellevue native and former University of Washington football star, is the unquestioned leader of the bunch – he already has 100 tackles over 10 games - but the team also has a strong core of linebackers in Kyzir White, Mack Wilson and Zaven Collins. Metcalf and Baker have gone up against each other many times before, most famously when Metcalf ran Baker down on an interception return in 2020. “You really can’t prepare for a guy like that because his engine never stops,” Metcalf said. “He’s always going to be around the ball. He’s always going to affect the game with just his play effort and play style. ... Just got to try to minimize his playmaking ability as much as we can on offense.” AP Sports Writer David Brandt in Phoenix, Arizona, contributed to this report. AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/nfl Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission.Jimmy Carter, 100, the peanut farmer who became the commander in chief, whose ceaseless humanitarian work around the globe superseded his one tumultuous term as 39th president of the United States, died Sunday, Dec. 29, in hospice care at his longtime home in Plains, Ga., according to his nonprofit organization. Born Oct. 1, 1924, Carter died a little more than a year after his beloved wife, Rosalynn, who died on Nov. 19, 2023, at 96. He lived longer than any other U.S. president, surpassing George H.W. Bush, who died in 2018 at 94. He endured melanoma skin cancer that spread to his liver and brain in 2015, underwent brain surgery in 2019 after a fall, and had returned to his ranch house in Plains in February 2023 after a series of short hospital stays. Still, up until 2015, Carter continued to teach Sunday school classes, work on Habitat for Humanity building projects, lecture at Emory University in Atlanta, and flash those bright blue eyes at ribbon cuttings, book signings, and other public events. "I'm perfectly at ease with whatever comes," he said in 2015 when his health began to decline. "I've had a wonderful life. I've had thousands of friends. I've had an exciting, adventurous, gratifying existence." When news of Carter's move to hospice care first circulated on Feb. 18, 2023, admirers flocked to his boyhood home in Plains and the Carter Center in Atlanta, and tributes poured in from world leaders, American politicians, social activists, journalists, and everyday citizens across the globe. Former President Bill Clinton tweeted an old photo showing him and Carter sitting together, smiling and chatting. U.S. Rep. Bill Pascrell Jr. of New Jersey tweeted: "Jimmy Carter is the model of kindness, generosity, and decency that is the finest part of America." Word of his death late Sunday afternoon brought swift and heartfelt reactions from elected officials. President Joe Biden and first lady Jill Biden called Carter "an extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian. ... What's extraordinary about Jimmy Carter, though, is that millions of people throughout America and the world who never met him thought of him as a dear friend as well." In a statement on Truth Social, President-elect Donald Trump said Carter, as president, "did everything in his power to improve the lives of all Americans. For that, we all owe him a debt of gratitude." On X, formerly Twitter, former President Barack Obama said Carter "taught all of us what it means to live a life of grace, dignity, justice and service." In a joint statement, former President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton praised Carter for having "worked tirelessly for a better, fairer world. Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro ordered flags at half-staff throughout the commonwealth, and remembered Carter on X as "a humble, generous, and admirable public servant — both as our President and in his years after as a citizen in service." "We pray that, in rest, President Carter will be reunited with his beloved wife Rosalynn," New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy said in a statement on X. Calling Carter "one of the foremost advocates of affordable housing in this country," Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle L. Parker took to X to recall a visit by him to North Philadelphia to help build homes with Habitat for Humanity "that are still in use today." Carter, a Democrat, served a single, turbulent term in the White House from 1977 to 1981, and it is largely for his efforts after leaving office that he will be remembered. He constructed homes for Habitat for Humanity, wrote dozens of books sharing his own life details, shared advice on health and diet, and guided the Carter Center toward at least one remarkable public health breakthrough in Asia and Africa. A man of profound faith and optimism, Carter remained sanguine about the future despite constant conflict among religious groups. "I am convinced that Christians, Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus, Jews, and others can embrace each other in a common effort to alleviate suffering and to espouse peace," Carter said in Oslo, Norway, on Dec. 10, 2002, as he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize. Carter surprised political pundits when he emerged from small-town Georgia to win the White House in 1976. He was the only Democratic president during a 24-year period in which Republican chief executives were the rule. A relative unknown before attaining the presidency, he was considered an outsider, even in his own party. The singular achievement of his years in power was his role in negotiating a milestone peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, longtime rivals in the Middle East. But to millions of Americans, Carter, who once vowed to make government "as good and as decent as the American people," seemed overwhelmed by the job. He had the misfortune to serve in stormy times and, in the eyes of his critics, came to embody ineptitude at home and weakness abroad. His four years in office are remembered most for the traumas that played out in his last year. Fifty-two Americans spent 444 days, from Nov. 4, 1979, to Jan. 20, 1981, held hostage in Iran while the U.S. economy faltered under the highest inflation and interest rates in a generation. The year culminated when voters went to the polls in November and gave Carter one of the most resounding votes of no-confidence ever dealt an incumbent president. And the Iranians delivered the final insult, refusing to end the hostages' imprisonment until a half hour after he left office and Ronald Reagan was sworn in. "That was the image that I left behind in the White House," Carter recalled later, "that I was not strong enough or not macho enough to take military action to bring these hostages home." Asked in 2015 if he wished he had done anything differently, Carter did not grandstand. He drew laughs by saying he wished he had sent "one more helicopter" on the botched attempt in 1980 to rescue the hostages. "We would have rescued them, and I would have been reelected," said Carter, flashing his famous toothy grin. For all of his troubles in office, he earned renewed respect in his post-White House years for his intelligence, integrity, and commitment to peace and human rights. He was frequently said to be a model ex-president. Unlike some other former chief executives, he did not spend his time playing golf or selling his services as a public speaker or a private consultant. Instead, he took tools in hand and built homes for the needy in the United States and villages in Africa and Latin America. And through the work of the Carter Center, he devoted himself to resolving conflicts, promoting democracy, and combating health problems throughout the world. He was proud of the Carter Center's success in helping to eradicate the debilitating illness known as Guinea worm. In 1986, when the Carter Center began its efforts against the disease, its officials said there were an estimated 3.5 million cases occurring annually in Africa and Asia. The center said the incidence of Guinea worm fell to 28 cases in 2018. "I'd like for the last Guinea worm to die before I do," Mr. Carter said in 2015. A humble start James Earl Carter Jr. was born in the town of Plains, Ga., population 550. His ties to the barren landscape of southwest Georgia were deep and lasting. He spent most of his adult life in his birthplace, living in Plains from 1953 until his death, except for the years he spent in executive mansions in Atlanta and Washington. Actually, Carter grew up three miles west of Plains, in the unincorporated hamlet of Archery, in a clapboard farmhouse alongside a dirt road. But it was in Plains that he attended school and church and sold boiled peanuts on the street. His father, James Earl Carter, known as Mr. Earl, was a stocky, conservative authority figure. His mother, Lillian Gordy Carter, known as Miss Lillian, was something of a rebel, a liberal with a curious mind and training as a registered nurse. As he came of age, Carter's goal was to attend the U.S. Naval Academy. He got there in 1943, graduating 59th in a class of 820, and going on to work with the unit that developed the first nuclear submarine. But, after the death of his father, he left the Navy and brought his wife, the former Rosalynn Smith, and their three sons, Jack, Chip, and Jeff, home to Plains to run the peanut-growing and farm-supply business. In 1962, at 37, Carter entered politics, winning a seat in the Georgia State Senate. Four years later, he ran for governor and lost in the Democratic primary. The defeat sent him into a deep funk, causing him to question the entire direction of his life. He resolved his self-doubts by becoming born-again, spending much of the next year working as a lay missionary. The experience left him with a renewed commitment to become governor. In 1970, he won the job and, upon being inaugurated, declared: "The time for racial discrimination is over." He ordered that a portrait of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. be hung in the state Capitol, a move that won him the undying affection and political support of Dr. King's widow and father. His public statements and symbolic acts won him considerable publicity, and he was seen as one of a new breed of politicians from the New South. Perhaps the most important thing that happened to Carter as governor was that he invited politicians from around the country to stay at the governor's mansion when they were in Atlanta. They did not impress him. He figured he was as talented as any of them. If some of them could run for president, he asked, why couldn't he? So, in 1976, he did. And, as the election year approached, events broke his way. The Watergate scandal forced Richard M. Nixon to resign the presidency in disgrace in 1974, leaving the office to the unelected Gerald R. Ford. All that did severe damage to the Republican Party and federal establishment, setting the stage for someone like Carter, a Democrat who came from the outside talking about decency and morality. He was the first real long shot to prevail in the age of media politics, the first man to demonstrate how to get elected by running full-time for two years. Speaking softly but with a missionary's zeal, Carter promised voters that he would "never tell a lie." He was liberal on civil rights, conservative on economics, and hard to categorize on almost everything else. When he accepted the Democratic Party's presidential nomination at its convention in New York, he had a lead of more than 30 points in the polls over President Gerald Ford. In the end, he won narrowly, getting 51% of the vote to Ford's 48%, 297 electoral votes to Ford's 241. On Inauguration Day 1977, Carter reinforced his image as the humble outsider in an unforgettable way. After being sworn in on the Capitol steps, Carter, his wife, and young daughter, Amy, got into a limousine for the traditional ride down the parade route to the White House. Then, despite the bitter cold, the three of them climbed out and walked the rest of the way. The idea, he said, was to show that the "imperial presidency" of the Nixon era was dead and gone. "It was," he wrote later, "one of those few perfect moments in life when everything seems absolutely right." Tough times There were few more moments like that in the Carter administration. Even though the Democrats held overwhelming majorities in both houses, he found it hard to get things done. His proposals for welfare, tax reform, and a national health program all disappeared without a trace. His attempt to get the government to adopt a national energy policy — an effort he described as "the moral equivalent of war" — did not fare much better. Inflation crippled the economy, and frayed relations between the White House and Congress crippled the government. So he turned his attention to foreign affairs. First came Panama. For several years before Carter took office, the United States had been negotiating about the future of the U.S.-built Panama Canal, the vital waterway linking the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Carter completed the negotiations. Under the final agreement, the canal would be turned over to Panama in 1999, although the U.S. retained the right to use force to keep the canal open. After a bruising, yearlong battle, the Senate ratified the treaty. Then came the Middle East. No other foreign policy area so absorbed him. Indeed, few presidents in the 20th century were so consumed with trying to bring peace to the Holy Land. Almost immediately after taking office, Carter began meeting frequently with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin. Progress seemed possible when Sadat, on Nov. 19, 1977, took the risky and unexpected step of traveling to Jerusalem, the Israeli capital, to address the Israeli parliament. But the inability of Egypt and Israel to convert the opening into a peace agreement left Carter ever more frustrated. "There was only one thing to do, as dismal and unpleasant as the prospect seemed," he later recalled. "I would try to bring Sadat and Begin together for an extensive negotiating session with me." On Sept. 5, 1978, Mr. Carter, Sadat, Begin, and their staffs gathered at Camp David, the presidential retreat in the Maryland mountains, and shut themselves off from the world. For Carter, as host and mediator, the stay at Camp David would prove to be the highlight of his presidency. On Sept. 17, an agreement was reached on a framework for peace. Egypt would recognize Israel's right to exist. In return, Israel would withdraw from the Egyptian territory in the Sinai it had occupied since the Six Day War of 1967. That night, in the East Room of the White House, the three world leaders signed that framework. Six months later, the framework blossomed into a full-fledged peace treaty. While the Camp David process resulted in peace between Israel and Egypt, it did not produce significant progress toward peace throughout the region. That became a source of increasing disappointment to Carter after he left office. Nor did Carter achieve any major breakthroughs in U.S.-Soviet relations. The two nations negotiated a second Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, SALT II, which Carter and Soviet President Leonid Brezhnev signed on June 18, 1979, at a summit meeting in Vienna. But the pact did not call for cuts in nuclear arsenals, only ceilings. Opposition to the treaty sprang up in the Senate almost immediately. Whatever chance it had of ratification expired at the end of that year, when Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan. Carter reacted to the Soviet invasion by imposing an embargo on American grain sales to the Soviet Union and by having the United States boycott the 1980 Summer Olympic Games, which were set for Moscow. By then, his presidency was in deep political trouble. These were unsettling times in America. Gasoline prices were high, and lines at fuel pumps were long. Inflation and unemployment were rising. So, too, was national pessimism. Awareness of that pessimism had caused Carter to retreat to Camp David in July 1979 for an extended, loosely structured domestic summit. When it was over, he delivered a nationally televised speech on what ailed the nation and then fired three members of his cabinet. The episode came to be known as the "malaise speech." Carter seemed, in the view of his critics, to be trying to shift the blame for the nation's problems away from his administration and onto the American people. He seemed to be confessing his impotence. Within days, there was a large and growing body of thought in the liberal wing of the Democratic Party that Sen. Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts should challenge Carter in the 1980 presidential primaries. Kennedy did run. But by the time he announced his candidacy, the political landscape had been transformed. On Nov. 4, 1979, in the Iranian capital of Tehran, about 3,000 militants loyal to Iran's new revolutionary leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, overran the U.S. Embassy. They denounced America as "the Great Satan." And they took hostages. The number of hostages would vary in the long days ahead. Ultimately it would settle at 52. Thus began, Carter recalled later, "the most difficult period of my life." It was not just 52 individuals who were held captive. It was an entire nation. The episode crystallized the general sense that U.S. power and prestige had deteriorated. At first, the crisis worked to Carter's political benefit. Americans rallied around their president, and the prospects of his two main challengers within the Democratic Party, Kennedy and California Gov. Jerry Brown, seemed to flag. But, as months passed and the hostages remained in captivity, the nation's patience with Carter grew thin, as did his own patience with Iran. After months of intensive and fruitless negotiations behind the scenes, the president decided to try to rescue the hostages. On April 24, 1980, the mission was launched. Success depended largely on eight helicopters, which were to ferry the rescuers from a makeshift base in the Iranian desert to Tehran itself. But two of the helicopters malfunctioned, and one of them crashed into a transport plane in the desert, killing eight servicemen. The failure of the mission undercut what was left of the nation's confidence in Carter. He carried on and was renominated by a deeply divided Democratic Party. The atmosphere on the final night of the convention in New York was so bitter that Kennedy refused to raise Carter's hand in the traditional display of party unity. In the general election campaign, the Republican nominee, former California Gov. Ronald Reagan, sealed Carter's defeat by posing to the nation: "Are you better off now than you were four years ago?" Many Americans — thinking of the hostages, double-digit inflation, and soaring interest rates — couldn't help but answer "No." In the end, Carter got only 41% of the vote, to Reagan's 51% and 7% for independent John Anderson. But there was a landslide in the Electoral College — 489 for Reagan and only 49 for Mr. Carter. He devoted what remained of his term to getting the hostages out. They were released on Jan. 20, 1981, Inauguration Day. Never slowing down After leaving the White House, Carter went home to Plains. There, he wrote his memoirs and raised the money to build his presidential library in Atlanta. He devoted much of his time and effort to open the Carter Center in 1982. In the mid-1980s, Carter staged well-publicized sessions on the Middle East and arms control, both of which were cochaired by Gerald Ford. Carter described the friendship between the old rivals as "a surprise to both of us." As the years passed, Carter kept pursuing his causes, traveling throughout the Middle East and Latin America to foster democracy and human rights. He became almost universally recognized as an "honest broker" whose word was accepted by one and all. "It's possible under some circumstances that I could be more meaningful as a human being this way than if I'd had a second term in the White House," he said in 1985. In 1989, he arranged for peace talks between the Ethiopian government and the Eritrean rebels. In 1990, he monitored the elections in Nicaragua. In 1994, he mediated the end of a military coup in Haiti, went to North Korea, and brokered a truce in Bosnia. His accumulated efforts won him the Nobel Peace Prize in 2002, the citation praising him for standing by the principles that "conflicts must as far as possible be resolved through mediation and international cooperation based on international law." "My father was a hero, not only to me but to everyone who believes in peace, human rights, and unselfish love," son Chip posted on the Carter Center's website. "My brothers, sister, and I shared him with the rest of the world through these common beliefs. The world is our family because of the way he brought people together, and we thank you for honoring his memory by continuing to live these shared beliefs." In addition to his three sons and daughter, Carter is survived by 12 grandchildren, 14 great-grandchildren, and other relatives. Two sisters, a brother, and a grandson died earlier. Services are pending. Biden said Sunday he will be ordering an official state funeral to be held in Washington. Staff writers Julia Terruso, Michelle Myers and Diane Mastrull contributed to this article. ©2024 The Philadelphia Inquirer, LLC. Visit at inquirer.com . Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
No. 25 Illinois rebounds in big way, blasts UMES 87-40