By Patricia Zengerle (Reuters) - The United States will provide Ukraine with a $725 million weapons package, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Monday, as President Joe Biden's outgoing administration seeks to bolster the government in Kyiv in its war with Russian invaders before leaving office in January. The assistance will include Stinger missiles, ammunition for High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems (HIMARS), drones and land mines, among other items, Blinken said in a statement. Reuters had reported last week that the Biden administration planned to provide the equipment, much of it anti-tank weapons to ward off Russia's attacking troops. "The United States and more than 50 nations stand united to ensure Ukraine has the capabilities it needs to defend itself against Russian aggression," Blinken's statement said. The announcement marks a steep uptick in size from Biden's recent use of so-called Presidential Drawdown Authority (PDA), which allows the U.S. to draw from current weapons stocks to help allies in an emergency. Recent PDA announcements have typically ranged from $125 million to $250 million. Biden has an estimated $4 billion to $5 billion in PDA already authorized by Congress that he is expected to use for Ukraine before Republican President-elect Donald Trump takes office on Jan. 20. The tranche of weapons represents the first time in decades that the United States has exported land mines, the use of which is controversial because of the potential harm to civilians. Although more than 160 countries have signed a treaty banning their use, Kyiv has been asking for them since Russia launched its full-scale invasion in early 2022, and Russian forces have used them on the front lines. The land mines that would be sent to Ukraine are "non-persistent," with a power system that lasts for just a short time, leaving the devices non-lethal. This means that - unlike older landmines - they would not remain in the ground, threatening civilians indefinitely. (Reporting by Patricia Zengerle; additional reporting by Rami Ayyub; editing by Jonathan Oatis)
Bill Clinton, the former US president who has faced a series of health issues over the years, was admitted to hospital Monday in Washington after developing a fever, his office said. "President Clinton was admitted to Georgetown University Medical Center this afternoon for testing and observation after developing a fever," the 78-year-old's deputy chief of staff Angel Urena said on social media platform X, adding Clinton "remains in good spirits." Clinton was previously hospitalized for five nights in October 2021 due to a blood infection. In 2004, at age 58, he underwent a quadruple bypass operation after doctors found signs of extensive heart disease. He had stents implanted in his coronary artery six years later. The health scare motivated him to make lifestyle changes, including adopting a vegetarian diet, and he has since spoken publicly about his efforts. Clinton's health last made headlines in November 2022 when he tested positive for Covid-19. He said at the time that his symptoms were "mild" and he was "grateful to be vaccinated and boosted." Clinton, who led the United States for two presidential terms from 1993-2001, is the second-youngest living US president, after 63-year-old Barack Obama. He was born mere months after fellow former US president George W. Bush and President-elect Donald Trump. Though his prosperous time in office was marred by scandals, he has enjoyed a second life in the two decades after his presidency, which has seen him venture into numerous diplomatic and humanitarian causes. bur-jgc/ahaBirthdays for Dec. 4
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Host Jennifer Coffey Is Leaving QVC After 13 YearsNoneAmerican taxpayers tied to potential funding of $7.5B loan
An Ole Miss student exchanged messages with the man now on trial in his killing, police say( MENAFN - ING) Main views and forecasts: The latest data shows that the economy performed visibly worse than expected over the first nine months of the year, growing only 0.9% year-to-date (YTD). Annual growth printed again below consensus at 1.1% in the third quarter. While data due on 6 December will reveal the full picture, high-frequency data and anecdotal evidence point to a continuation of the strong private consumption trends and a marginal investment spending increase, both weighed on by net exports. Given the electoral context, government spending likely remained generous into the year-end. Current spending (as a % of GDP) was roughly 2.0pp higher this year compared to 2023, growing in magnitude in the third quarter, according to the budgetary execution data up to October. On the supply side, civil engineering-related activities continued to outshine pretty much every other sector as manufacturing and most services activities remained a drag or at best a neutral factor for output. Key worrying trends come from the IT sector, which has been flashing red for four months now and from this year's drought, which is set to weigh on the agricultural output, as well as on the food inflation. Overall, we have recently revised down our growth forecast for 2024 from 1.3% to 1.0% on the back of persistently weak growth prints and limited potential of improvements this year. In essence, while internal demand is strong, the economy continues to perform poorly at preventing the benefits of sturdy activity from dissipating externally through imports, which weighs on growth. In the fourth quarter of 2024, early signs paint a mixed picture. The Economic Sentiment Indicator (ESI) picked up in October-November. Above-average consumer confidence, fuelled by still-high wage growth, is likely to help the persistent momentum of private consumption in the near term. On the more negative side, some of the real income gains will be lost as a result of the likely acceleration of inflation towards the year-end. What's more, the likely desire of policymakers to preserve a relative FX stability through a volatile year-end might have led to tighter financial conditions more recently, as visible in the diminishing interbank liquidity surplus. In turn, this could result in the peak of an already vigorous consumer credit growth by the end of the year. All in all, while private consumption is likely to remain strong in the fourth quarter, some early signs of fatigue are not excluded. After this year's 1.0% projected outturn, for 2025, we have pencilled in an acceleration towards 2.6%. At a technical level, base effects stemming from this year's low outturn will contribute positively. Concerning economic drivers, real wage gains (albeit smaller than in 2024) and new minimum wage increases will continue to drive private consumption, while EU-funded large-scale investments are set to carry on. An automatic indexation of pensions is also scheduled for January 2025, which will give an extra boost to consumption. Lower interest rates in the eurozone should limit the downfall of the external sector somewhat, although at this stage our house view is that structural factors will continue to keep European activity in a weak state, at least in the near term. Upside potential could come from a more expansionary fiscal stance in Germany next year, depending on the early election outcome. Returning to local factors, a fiscal reform to kick in next year could be in the making, potentially posing downside risks for growth and possible upside inflationary pressures. Key factors to watch are the structure, magnitude, and timing of these fiscal changes. In our view, the lengthier the political negotiations for a new government will be, the higher the risks for sub-optimal fiscal measures. Overall, risks to growth steming from the current electoral context are now higher and asymmetrically tilted to the downside. On the other hand, potential early boosts to activity, productivity, and future business expectations could stem from the progress that will have been achieved on large-scale investments (especially roads) by then and immediately ahead. Ultimately, many of the simultaneous ongoing projects are 'once-in-a-generation' public works, delayed for many years. It should not be long before they start to impact business efficiency and optimism more visibly. Last but not least, a boost to activity will also come from the Schengen ascension scheduled for January 2025. Bottom line, at face value, the fiscal correction will likely weigh to an extent on growth in the short run. If delayed, it will force sub-optimal measures (i.e. a larger-than-planned increase in one or more of the main taxes). However, (re)gaining the credibility on the fiscal front is a must in our view, especially after a year when the budget deficit could exceed 8.0% of GDP. Maintaining market access and smooth financing is particularly important at a time when infrastructure-driven productivity improvements will be in full swing, in an international context where friendshoring and nearshoring will likely remain key policy priorities. Not to avoid the elephant in the room, strictly on the economic front, even in a scenario where the political landscape shifts towards being less policy continuity-oriented, the negative impact on growth and additional fiscal slippage could still be limited by the relatively tight RRP milestones that condition still generous EU funds disbursements. The market's patience on the fiscal developments has been constantly tested throughout 2024. This was due to both subsequent upward revisions of the budget deficit target and financing needs in the short run, as well as through a reasonable questioning of the credible path towards a 3.0% deficit in the long run. The uncertainty surrounding the elections outcome insert more uncertainty into the picture, adding to the upside risks for the 2025 deficit. In the first nine months of the year, the trade balance (most important driver of the BoP) worsened visibly as the deficit increased 15.1% year-on-year. This is already reversing last year's gains. The negative drivers, compared to the same period of 2023, were higher deficits in foods, fuels, chemicals and manufactured products, coupled with a much smaller surplus in raw materials. A smaller deficit was recorded in the auto sector. Overall, the trade balance reading continues to reflect a strong internal demand generated by a sharp response of consumers to real wage gains, a significant fiscal slippage and large-scale investments. All of these elements have boosted imports significantly, while the state of the German industry and European activity as a whole remained weak, weighing on exports. For 2025, we don't expect meaningful changes in the trade balance dynamics, since we do not anticipate a significant or sudden cooling of the economy. Meanwhile, our view is that the outlook for the eurozone economy remains relatively gloomy, which will still act as a headwind for exports in the near term. Here, upside risks stem from potential industry stimulus programmes in Germany, while downside risks stem from US tariffs entering the scene. Turning to the surplus in services, declines in 2024 compared to 2023's EUR13.5bn surplus are now likely as the surplus over the first half of the year is now almost 15.0% smaller. Transport and IT activities will likely continue to bring most of the surpluses. Meanwhile, tourism abroad will likely continue to weigh negatively on the services trade balance for the foreseeable future. On other items, we expect EU-funds inflows directed towards infrastructure projects to continue to stimulate the capital account, while on foreign direct investments, we could see some marginal pickup as the new infrastructure projects gradually start to shape up new business opportunities which were previously not viable. All in all, we expect the current account deficit to remain elevated in 2025 as well. Nevertheless, we have pencilled in a small improvement from this year's projected -7.9% of GDP to -7.4% of GDP. The persistent fiscal slippage, with a slow-paced projected adjustment, will continue to remain the main cause of concern for rating agencies, weighing on Romania's prospects. While the bar for a downgrade remains high, we think, risks for an eventual negative outlook cannot be ignored and have likely increased. Overall, we expect the rating reports to display a harsher tone on fiscal developments. That said, we see rating downgrades as a possibility in the case of an imminent and significant EU funds absorption issue, which is not the case right now, or a general deterioration in the relations with the EC – also not the base case. A prolonged political instability period (also not anticipated) could weigh in on the negative side as well since this would delay the needed fiscal reform. However, the fact that the deficit remains high but there is a plan agreed with the EC that backs EU funds inflows and the financial markets' confidence should, in principle, keep rating agencies from downgrading Romania over the forecasting horizon. The NBR began the easing cycle in July-August on the back of a fairly good inflation progress through the first half of the year. The 50bp of cuts in the summer brought the policy rate to 6.50%, where it has remained since. This has been in line with our view that only a gradual and slow easing cycle is currently viable, given the upside risks for inflation through the medium term. Some of them, mainly food inflation, have indeed materialised. Also, services inflation continued to remain stubbornly high. This led to a higher projected inflation path through the medium term, which involves an acceleration over the next few months. This factor, coupled with higher uncertainty stemming from local elections, geopolitics and the policy of central banks in core markets, could lead the NBR to embark on a policy strategy that involves less excess liquidity in the interbank market. Remember, over the last two years, EU funds inflows and the government's FX debt sales have indirectly boosted the interbank excess liquidity, which reached a peak of RON60.7bn in January this year. In practice, this led to looser financial conditions for both the government and the private sector, compared to the outcome where the NBR had intervened to sterilise this excess liquidity at the policy rate. As such, market rates have revolved around the deposit facility of the Bank, and not the key rate. As of recent, interbank rates started to shift visibly higher from the previous alignment with the 5.50% deposit facility, and at the time of writing, they sit close to the midground between it and the 6.50% key rate. This could be an indication that the NBR wishes to bring the liquidity surplus closer to levels that could be kept in-check, if needed, without large-scale and sudden market interventions. As such, it should not be excluded that, going forward, we might see excess liquidity levels sitting between RON10bn and RON20bn, as a middle ground between tackling higher uncertainties and preserving not-too-tight financial conditions. We believe that NBR's policy restrictiveness had a limited impact on the domestic demand and credit activity. On top, upside risks for inflation are now magnified by the possibility of both food and energy price pressures hitting the economy simultaneously or at close intervals, at a time when the minimum wage and pensions continue to grow. This raises the stakes for the need to preserve the policy space in the near term. This is also in tune with Governor Isarescu's recent hint that rates might stay in place until there is more clarity on the fiscal outlook and the subsequent inflationary pressures attached to it. Concerning the FX markets, we continue to think that there is little room for EUR/RON to move from the current levels in the short run. The NBR will likely aim for the disinflationary trend to resume as soon as possible, after the projected near-term term hiccup, and we think that FX stability will continue to play a key role here. All in all, we continue to see policymakers remaining cautious with policy easing ahead. We have recently revised our total rate cuts forecasted for 2025 from a total of 100bp to 75bp. Moreover, we expect the Bank to hold fire through the first half of the year, with cuts backloaded into the second part of 2025. As such, we foresee a key rate of 5.75% at the end of 2025, with upside risks at play. Key factors to watch are the extent of wage growth moderation, the fiscal reform and energy markets developments. MENAFN02122024000222011065ID1108948980 Legal Disclaimer: MENAFN provides the information “as is” without warranty of any kind. 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6,000 inmates escape from prison during unrest in Mozambique
Vanna White’s ‘gorgeous’ son is sending her fans into a tizzy: ‘My next 3 letters are H-O-T’WASHINGTON — President Joe Biden on Monday announced that he is commuting the sentences of 37 of the 40 people on federal death row, converting their punishments to life imprisonment just weeks before President-elect Donald Trump , an outspoken proponent of expanding capital punishment, takes office. The move spares the lives of people convicted in killings , including the slayings of police and military officers, people on federal land and those involved in deadly bank robberies or drug deals, as well as the killings of guards or prisoners in federal facilities. The decision leaves three federal inmates to face execution. They are Dylann Roof, who carried out the 2015 racist slayings of nine Black members of Mother Emanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina; 2013 Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaev ; and Robert Bowers, who fatally shot 11 congregants at Pittsburgh’s Tree of life Synagogue in 2018 , the deadliest antisemitic attack in U.S history. “I’ve dedicated my career to reducing violent crime and ensuring a fair and effective justice system,” Biden said in a statement . “Today, I am commuting the sentences of 37 of the 40 individuals on federal death row to life sentences without the possibility of parole. These commutations are consistent with the moratorium my administration has imposed on federal executions, in cases other than terrorism and hate-motivated mass murder.” Reaction was strong, both for and against. A Trump spokesperson called the decision “abhorrent.” “These are among the worst killers in the world and this abhorrent decision by Joe Biden is a slap in the face to the victims, their families, and their loved ones." said Trump spokesman Steven Cheung. "President Trump stands for the rule of law, which will return when he is back in the White House after he was elected with a massive mandate from the American people.” Heather Turner, whose mother was killed during the 2017 robbery of a Conway, South Carolina, bank, blasted the decision in a social media post, saying Biden didn't consider the victims of these crimes. “The pain and trauma we have endured over the last 7 years has been indescribable,” Turner wrote on Facebook, describing weeks spent in court in search of justice as “now just a waste of time.” “Our judicial system is broken. Our government is a joke,” she said. "Joe Biden’s decision is a clear gross abuse of power. He, and his supporters, have blood on their hands.” Some of Roof's victims supported Biden's decision to leave him on death row. Michael Graham, whose sister Cynthia Hurd was killed by Roof, said Roof's lack of remorse and simmering white nationalism in the U.S. means Roof is the kind of dangerous and evil person the death penalty is intended for. “This was a crime against a race of people who were doing something all Americans do on a Wednesday night — go to Bible study,” Graham said. “It didn’t matter who was there, only that they were Black.” The Biden administration in 2021 announced a moratorium on federal capital punishment to study the protocols used, which suspended executions during Biden's term. But Biden actually had promised to go further on the issue in the past, pledging to end federal executions without the caveats for terrorism and hate-motivated, mass killings. While running for president in 2020, Biden's campaign website said he would “work to pass legislation to eliminate the death penalty at the federal level , and incentivize states to follow the federal government’s example.” Similar language didn't appear on Biden's reelection website before he left the presidential race in July. “Make no mistake: I condemn these murderers, grieve for the victims of their despicable acts, and ache for all the families who have suffered unimaginable and irreparable loss,” Biden's statement said. “But guided by my conscience and my experience as a public defender, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, vice president, and now president, I am more convinced than ever that we must stop the use of the death penalty at the federal level.” He took a political jab at Trump, saying, “In good conscience, I cannot stand back and let a new administration resume executions that I halted.” Trump, who takes office on Jan. 20, has spoken frequently of expanding executions. In a speech announcing his 2024 campaign , Trump called for those “caught selling drugs to receive the death penalty for their heinous acts.” He later promised to execute drug and human smugglers and even praised China's harsher treatment of drug peddlers. During his first term as president, Trump also advocated for the death penalty for drug dealers . There were 13 federal executions during Trump's first term, more than under any president in modern history, and some may have happened fast enough to have contributed to the spread of the coronavirus at the federal death row facility in Indiana. Those were the first federal executions since 2003. The final three occurred after Election Day in November 2020 but before Trump left office the following January, the first time federal prisoners were put to death by a lame-duck president since Grover Cleveland in 1889. Biden faced recent pressure from advocacy groups urging him to act to make it more difficult for Trump to increase the use of capital punishment for federal inmates. The president's announcement also comes less than two weeks after he commuted the sentences of roughly 1,500 people who were released from prison and placed on home confinement during the COVID-19 pandemic, and of 39 others convicted of nonviolent crimes, the largest single-day act of clemency in modern history. The announcement also followed the post-election pardon that Biden granted his son Hunter on federal gun and tax charges after long saying he would not issue one, sparking an uproar in Washington. The pardon also raised questions about whether he would issue sweeping preemptive pardons for administration officials and other allies who the White House worries could be unjustly targeted by Trump’s second administration. Speculation that Biden could commute federal death sentences intensified last week after the White House announced he plans to visit Italy on the final foreign trip of his presidency next month. Biden, a practicing Catholic, will meet with Pope Francis, who recently called for prayers for U.S. death row inmates in hopes their sentences will be commuted. The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, which has long called for an end to the death penalty, said Biden's decision is a “significant step in advancing the cause of human dignity in our nation” and moves the country “a step closer to building a culture of life.” Martin Luther King III, who publicly urged Biden to change the death sentences, said in a statement shared by the White House that the president "has done what no president before him was willing to do: take meaningful and lasting action not just to acknowledge the death penalty’s racist roots but also to remedy its persistent unfairness.” Madeline Cohen, an attorney for Norris Holder, who faced death for the 1997 fatal shooting of a guard during a bank robbery in St. Louis, said his case “exemplifies the racial bias and arbitrariness that led the President to commute federal death sentences,” Cohen said. Holder, who is Black, was sentenced by an all-white jury. Weissert reported from West Palm Beach, Florida. Associated Press writers Jeffrey Collins in Columbia, South Carolina, and Jim Salter in O'Fallon, Missouri, contributed to this report.
Arewa Group Inaugurates Media, Publicity CommitteeThe Las Vegas Raiders are at a crossroads. Do they stick with head coach Antonio Pierce or do they Lane Kiffin him before the playoffs? With future Hall of Fame quarterback Tom Brady, a part owner, most insiders speculate that Brady will bring his winning attitude and football expertise to do a little spring cleaning with the Raiders. Rumors are swirling about which coaches might be a good fit for the Raiders in the next season. Here are the top 5 names that have been floated around. Mike Vrabel Former Tennessee Titans coach Mike Vrabel is at the top of the list to possibly replace Pierce. Sports Illustrated’s Hondo Carpenter thinks that Vrabel will get the nod from the Raiders to be the next head coach. Carpenter said on The Las Vegas Raiders Insiders podcast, “I am in no way advocating for moving on from Antonio, at all, and I want to make that clear. But I believe that if they move on from him, it will be Mike Vrabel. He has a great relationship with [Tom] Brady. They are very close.” Bill Belichick Bill Belichick is in the mix for obvious reasons, the Tom Brady connection. He would be someone that the organization could trust to get the job done of restoring the Raiders back to their winning ways. Also, Belichick has a winning reputation and has a no-nonsense approach to football. He understands the x’s and o’s. The drawback to a Belichick is that the man is 72 years old. The question with Belichick is would he have the stamina for a 18-week season? Probably not. Jon Gruden Another familiar choice for nostalgic reasons. Under Gruden, his record with the Raiders overall was 64-38. If you remember back in 2021, Jon Gruden stepped down from the organization after making racist, homophobic, and misogynist remarks about various people in the NFL. It is reported by The New York Times that Jon Gruden was not happy with the direction that NFL was going in before he stepped down. In an in-depth investigation by the league, it found that Gruden made disparaging comments about the LGTBQIA+ community, specifically the acceptance and drafting of gay players, the introduction of women referees, and the protesting of the National Anthem by certain players. If Gruden were to be given another chance at the helm, he would completely alienate most of the Raiders’ fanbase (i.e. Women, LGTBQIA+ community, & Minorites). That would be a disastrous hire and a public relations nightmare for the Raiders organization. Kliff Kingsbury Kingsbury sounds like a great fit for the Raiders. Sure, he’s a great offensive-minded coach with the ability to score consistently but his problem lies in not finishing out the games. The Raiders could benefit from a coach with the complete package and Kliff Kingsbury is not there yet. Also, although he is an offensive genius, Kingsbury’s defenses were sub-par when he was a head coach, but he still may be worth the hire if he finds a decent defensive coordinator. Joe Brady A sleeper choice for the job would be Buffalo Bills offensive coordinator Joe Brady. In the past, Brady has been glanced over for head coaching jobs. The con for the Raiders hiring Joe Brady would be his youth. It would be hard to hire a young coach who players might not respect or take seriously. Plus, they’ve already made that mistake when they hired a young Lane Kiffin, so they may not want to go that route again. Whoever the Raiders choose to pick in the off-season (if they decide to fire Pierce as many think) he needs to make an impact early. The Raiders’ goal is to rebuild the franchise with their draft picks, add some veteran players, have a steady defense, and build an offensive machine that will guarantee them wins consistently week in and week out. This article first appeared on Dice City Sports and was syndicated with permission.