The distinguished economist Manmohan Singh, who has died aged 92, was one of India’s longest serving prime ministers (and the first Sikh to hold the office), yet he never won a direct parliamentary election. After nearly two decades as an economic bureaucrat, Singh was often seen as more of a civil servant than a politician. Unlike India’s more charismatic leaders, he humbly admitted to being a poor public speaker. Yet, as India’s finance minister (1991-96) this unlikely politician played a crucial role in the economic reforms that led to the rapid growth of India’s GDP. Then, as prime minister from 2004, he forged a new relationship with the US, ended India’s nuclear isolation and passed groundbreaking social legislation. In all this, he was bolstered by his reputation for absolute honesty, a considerable asset in the world of Indian politics. The son of Amrit Kaur and Murmuk Singh, and one of 10 children, he was born in the village of Gah, in the North West Province of what is now Pakistan . His father dealt in dried fruit imported from Afghanistan. At partition, the family made the perilous journey through the Muslim-dominated West Punjab to the Sikh holy city of Amritsar. Singh graduated from Punjab University and went on to study in the UK, at St John’s College, Cambridge, where he received a first in economics – the only student to achieve this distinction in his final year. Later he would return to Britain for a DPhil at Nuffield College, Oxford. At Cambridge, he was influenced by two renowned economists and socialists, Joan Robinson and Nicholas Kaldor. Both held Singh in high regard. Robinson, his supervisor, described him as “very quiet and gentle in manner ... [with] a determined resistance to bunkum of all kinds”. Kaldor, similarly impressed, recommended Singh to India’s finance minister for a position. Singh had other ideas: becoming first an academic before working for the UN. Eventually he ended up in India’s finance ministry. During his civil service career, including a tenure as governor of the Reserve Bank of India (1982-85), Singh implemented the Congress party’s leftwing economic policies. While civil servants are expected to remain impartial, Singh agreed with some government decisions, later telling his daughter Daman, a journalist and author, that nationalising India’s banks was “a good idea at the time”. Yet his own thinking – articulated decades earlier in his Oxford thesis – was essentially liberal, emphasising the importance of foreign trade and greater openness to the world economy for India’s development. Such an analysis became a virtue in 1991 when the then prime minister, Narasimha Rao , in the midst of an economic crisis, decided to accept IMF conditions for a massive loan in order to prevent India defaulting on its payments. The conditions included the end of India’s infamous web of bureaucratic controls and an across-the-board reduction of import tariffs as well as severe cuts in welfare spending and subsidies. Rao appointed the apolitical Singh as finance minister, thinking no politician would risk his future by implementing the unpopular IMF conditions. The reforms that followed were one reason for the defeat of the Congress party in 1996. While Congress was out of power, Singh was leader of the opposition in the upper house of parliament. In the 2004 election Congress, under the leadership of Sonia Gandhi, widow of the assassinated prime minister Rajiv Gandhi , won enough seats to form a coalition government and she, instead of taking the role herself, nominated Singh to be prime minister. It was clear that ultimate power rested with Gandhi. However, Singh did defy her when he insisted on ratifying an agreement with the US intended to end the international ban on selling civilian nuclear equipment and technology to India. Gandhi feared opposition to the agreement would split the coalition and the government would fall. But Singh pressed ahead, pushing it through parliament by a narrow majority. His reputation for honesty was a factor in Congress’s improved performance in the 2009 general election. However, during his second term, corruption in the preparations for hosting the 2010 Commonwealth Games and in the allocation of licences to run mobile phone networks (the “2G spectrum scam”) led to questions about whether Singh was tolerating dishonesty in his government. Throughout his two terms in office, Singh’s position was weakened by his dependence on the support of smaller parties in the coalition. As prime minister he made his disapproval of the plan to allocate the phone network licences clear, but the telecommunications minister was allowed to go ahead because his party threatened to pull out of the coalition. Pressure from coalition parties delayed economic reforms that Singh favoured, which would have introduced more foreign competition in banking, insurance, retail, and other businesses. He had to go slower than he wanted on privatising nationalised industries. He also had reservations about Gandhi’s pro-poor policies, which she insisted were necessary to combat the impression that the economic reforms only benefited the prosperous. In particular, he was concerned about the cost and effectiveness of a scheme guaranteeing employment to the jobless in rural India. But he did not oppose it. His former press adviser wrote of the Gandhi-Singh diarchy that “while power was delegated, authority was not”. For 20 years as a bureaucrat and more than 30 years as a politician, Singh played a vital role in India’s economic history. As a bureaucrat he was never an out-and-out socialist; as a politician he did not fall head over heels for the market. His partnership with Gandhi, and it was more of a partnership than was generally realised, kept two fractious coalition governments in power, governments that passed important social and economic legislation. But Singh did not acquire his own power base and remained a Congress party loyalist. Although he announced he would not remain India’s PM after the 2014 election, in opposition he continued to serve as a member of the upper house of the Indian parliament until April this year. Indian politics is a rough trade, and Singh was known more as a thinker than a brawler. The last decade, however, was marked by acrimonious exchanges between Singh and his successor Narendra Modi . Modi, a Hindu nationalist strongman, questioned his predecessor’s honesty in a “corrupt government” and even claimed that he had “colluded” with India’s arch-rival Pakistan. Both allegations were met by blistering denials. In return Singh was critical of his successor’s economic policies, describing Modi’s 2016 overnight decision to render worthless 86% of Indian banknotes “a case of organised loot, legalised plunder of the common people”. He also attacked Modi’s silence in 2018 when one of his party’s elected representatives was accused of raping a teenager. Singh, who came from a religious minority, was aware of the need for mutual respect in India and was appalled by Modi’s rhetoric. During this year’s Indian elections, Singh said of Modi that “no [Indian] prime minister in the past has uttered such hateful, unparliamentary and coarse terms, meant to target either a specific section of the society or the opposition”. Singh was a transformative figure in Indian history. Not only was he the architect of India’s economic reforms, but in 2009 he became the first sitting prime minister in almost half a century to have completed a full term and seen his party re-elected with a bigger majority. He is survived by his wife, Gursharan Kaur, whom he married in 1958, and their daughters, Upinder, Daman and Amrit. Manmohan Singh, economist and politician, born 26 September 1932; died 26 December 2024This Monday marks International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women. Guardian... Karen Middleton , Cinnamon Nippard , Miles HerbertCooper Rush passed for two touchdowns, Dallas returned two kicks for scores and the visiting Cowboys held off the Washington Commanders in a wild fourth quarter for a 34-26 win. Dallas led 10-9 after three quarters. With Washington trailing 27-26, Jayden Daniels hit Terry McLaurin for an 86-yard touchdown pass with 21 seconds left, but Austin Seibert missed his second extra point of the game. Juanyeh Thomas of the Cowboys then returned the onside kick 43 yards for a touchdown. Rush completed 24 of 32 passes for 247 yards for Dallas (4-7), which snapped a five-game losing streak. Rico Dowdle ran 19 times for 86 yards and CeeDee Lamb had 10 catches for 67 yards. Jayden Daniels was 25-of-38 passing for 274 yards, two touchdowns and two interceptions for reeling Washington (7-5), which has lost three straight. He ran for 74 yards and one score. McLaurin had five catches for 102 yards. Trailing 20-9 late in the fourth quarter, Daniels drove Washington 69 yards in nine plays and hit Zach Ertz for a 4-yard touchdown. Daniels ran for two points and Washington trailed 20-17 with 3:02 remaining. KaVontae Turpin muffed the ensuing kickoff, picked it up at the one, and raced 99 yards for a touchdown to make it 27-17. Austin Seibert's 51-yard field goal pulled the Commanders within 27-20 with 1:40 left, With the score tied 3-3, Washington took the second half kick and went 60 yards in 10 plays. On third-and-three from the Dallas 17, Daniels faked a handoff, ran left and scored his first rushing touchdown since Week 4. Seibert missed the point after and Washington led 9-3. Dallas answered with an 80-yard drive. A 23-yard pass interference penalty gave the Cowboys a first-and-goal at the 4. Two plays later Rush found Jalen Tolbert in the end zone and the extra point made it 10-9. Brandon Aubrey's 48-yard field goal made it 13-9 with 8:11 remaining in the game. On the next play, Daniels hit John Bates for 14 yards, but Donovan Wilson forced a fumble and Dallas recovered at the Washington 44. Five plays later, Rush found Luke Schoonmaker down the middle for a 22-yard touchdown and Dallas led 20-9 with 5:16 left. The first quarter was all about field goals. Aubrey's field goal attempt was blocked on the opening drive and Michael Davis returned it to the Dallas 40. Washington later settled for Seibert's 41-yard field goal. On the next Dallas drive, Aubrey hit the right upright from 42 yards out, and then Seibert missed from 51 yards. With 14 seconds left in the half, Rush found Jalen Brooks for a 41-yard gain to the Washington 28. On the next play Aubrey connected from 46 yards to tie it. --Field Level Media
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The Chief of Defence Staff (CDS’), Gen. Christopher Musa, has emphasise the need to consider Socio-Economic and environmental factors in the national security equation. This is as the national coordinator of the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC), Maj-Gen. Adamu Laka, argued that the media have the power to shape opinions, and influence perspectives/narratives. The very senior officers spoke on Thursday in Abuja, at a Round Table on Nigeria’s Unity and National Interest, organised by the NCTC for defence correspondents. In his remarks, the defence chief noted: “Although these views are essential, it is important that our understanding of national security is expanded to incorporate broader social, economic, and environmental elements which are hallmarks of what is termed development journalism. “It is also necessary to note that actions of the military in ensuring Nigeria’s national security account for only 30% or less of the overall efforts required, while the remaining 70% of maintaining Nigeria’s peace and security rest on the socio-economic elements of the country. “In a nutshell, national security entails the protection of our nation’s core values, institutions, as well as citizens from both external and internal threats, while national interests involve important goals and objectives guiding our nation’s actions and decisions. “These critical concerns over our nation, particularly in the face of numerous security challenges, tend to undermine the very fabric of our country and threatens the safety and security of our citizens. “Military efforts to safeguard our nation’s sovereignty will be enhanced through development journalism, which is a specialized form of journalism that focuses on the social, economic, and political development of the nation. “In the area of defence bits, development journalism seeks to promote public awareness and understanding of defence as well as security issues, while holding governments, the defence sector, and other stakeholders accountable for their actions as well as informing decision-making by policymakers and defence officials. In his welcome address, the NCTC’s coordinator said: “We are gathered here today, though from various professional backgrounds, but as athletic Nigerians, jointly committed to understanding the role of the media in relation to national security and interests. “As we are rightly aware, the role of the media, especially journalists, as signed defence and security beats is pivotal in shaping public perception and policy on critical issues of national security and interests. “Through reporting, analysis and storytelling, journalists inform members of the public and have the power to influence strategies, people’s actions and reactions. Having been in this military career for a while, I must attest to the fact that our defence and security correspondents have been an immense wealth of expertise and experience. “Most of you have reported on the frontlines, analysed trends and followed the intricate network that sustained these threats to our national security and interests. “You have confronted not just the facts, but also the responsibility to report with accuracy, fairness and sensitivity in an environment that is often fraught with misinformation and heightened emotions. It is in appreciation of your role in the counter-terrorism efforts that I granted my prompt approval to your request for this important conversation. “I therefore assure you that the National Counter-Terrorism Centre, Office of the National Security Advisor, will continue to collaborate with you and other critical stakeholders to achieve and sustain the destruction of terrorist propaganda. “The objective of this roundtable discussion with you is to foster an open and insightful exchange of ideas. “By sharing your experiences, observations and challenges, together we aim to enhance collective understanding of the dynamics of terrorism and its evolving tactics, discover the ethical considerations of reporting on such sensitive issues, identify opportunities for collaboration between journalists, security experts and policy makers, and have best thoughts on the development of a national strategic communication plan and protocol for the gathering and distribution of news on terrorism and violent extremism with the hope of stemming threats to our national security and interests”.New York, NY, Dec. 13, 2024 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Introducing Tyler: The Red Mascot of the BASE Blockchain Tyler, the legendary fictional character from Fatt Murie's Guys' Club comic, has officially arrived on the BASE blockchain. Known for his charisma and a penchant for red apples, Tyler is quickly becoming the unofficial red mascot of the blue chain, captivating a growing community of "Tyler Enjoyers." Tyler's journey to blockchain fame is a blend of humor, community spirit, and decentralized technology. His presence on BASE represents more than just a token; it's about celebrating creativity and camaraderie in the ever-evolving crypto space. How to Get Tyler Becoming part of the Tyler Enjoyer Club is simple: 1. Install Coinbase Wallet: Fund it with cash or Ethereum (Base). 2. Swap for Tyler: Copy and paste the Tyler contract address in the wallet app/plugin: 0x85645b86243886b7c7c1DA6288571F8bEa6fC035 3. Join the Club: Select Tyler, set your desired amount, and perform the swap. Welcome to the exclusive Tyler Enjoyer Club! Don't forget to join the community on Telegram to connect with fellow enthusiasts. Why Tyler Stands Out As the self-proclaimed "red mascot of the blue chain," Tyler brings a unique identity to the BASE blockchain. His relatable personality and straightforward approach make him a favorite among crypto enthusiasts. Whether you're a fan of his comic origins or just love his vibe, Tyler is here to make the blockchain space more entertaining and accessible. Join the Movement Stay connected with Tyler and the growing community: - Website: www.basedtyler.com/ - Telegram: t.me/basedtyler - X (formerly Twitter): x.com/TylerOnBaseETH) - Dexscreener: https://dexscreener.com/base/0x4757ea131dc0cc7d16622b68196b99cd8218c902 - Dextools: https://www.dextools.io/app/en/token/tyleronbase Disclaimer: The information provided in this release is not intended as investment, financial, or trading advice. Always consult with a professional financial advisor before engaging in cryptocurrency transactions. Tyler is here to stay-bringing fun, flair, and a hint of red to the BASE blockchain! Disclaimer: The information provided in this press release is not a solicitation for investment, nor is it intended as investment advice, financial advice, or trading advice. It is strongly recommended you practice due diligence, including consultation with a professional financial advisor, before investing in or trading cryptocurrency and securities. CONTACT: Alejandro Benito contact (at) basedtyler.com
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Every Denzel Washington Movie, RankedEnaya Medical Foundation And CEO Dr. Salman Al Mutairi Earns Honor For Business Society Contributions And Executives Awards At HBC 2024 International AwardsWOLF Hall has returned to BBC One, but only two episodes into its second season and it's been heavily criticised. Yet actually the BBC drama doesn't deserve the flack it's getting. Viewers have said it's "too slow" or that it's "boring" as they crave drama and excitement. Yet from the brutal execution scenes of Anne Boleyn to the chess-like power play from Cromwell around King Henry VIII, this is the reality of Tudor Britain and it certainly wasn't pretty. When Anne Boleyn's beheading aired at the beginning of episode one of the new series, viewers claimed they were 'traumatised' by the blood and gore. Yet it's a beheading so I don't know why viewers were expecting anything less than a brutal death. Boleyn's death might have come from a French swordsman who did it quickly but there was always going to be blood and it was never going to be a clean death. The reality is that despite this being a drama based off Hilary Mantle's historical fiction, the Tudor times were still a dark part of history. That means romps, sexual tension and growing romances don't really have a place here. If you're looking for soft moments, sweet glances between lovers and falling in love then look to Bridgerton or another period drama, because Wolf Hall isn't it. It's a masterclass in political power play with the stoic Mark Rylance leading the way. The man's eyebrows can say more than a whole scene of dialogue, and he's portraying the quick thinking mind of Cromwell expertly. Cromwell was ultimately the orchestra of Henry's split from Catharine of Aragon, his set up with Boleyn and then the next marriage to quiet Jane Seymour. There were no sword fights, daring duels or explosive rows, but ultimately smart moves, political alliances and engineered conversations was how Cromwell created the Tudor history we know about. As a Tudor history fan and someone who has been eagerly awaiting the second series of Wolf Hall the minute the first ended, this second season hasn't left me disappointed. In fact if anything I'm more in awe of how the drama is retelling the Hilary Mantle historical fiction and how its developing the Tudor court on screen. When I find myself craving a romance I'll look to the next season of Bridgerton or the romance in series like Sanditon or Outlander.