Rico Carty, who won the 1970 NL batting title when he hit a major league-best .366 for the Atlanta Braves, has died. He was 85. Major League Baseball , the players’ association and the Braves paid tribute to Carty on social media on Sunday. A family friend told Listín Diario — a newspaper in Carty’s native Dominican Republic — that he died Saturday night in an Atlanta hospital. “Carty was one of the first groundbreaking Latino stars in the major leagues, and he established himself as a hero to millions in his native Dominican Republic, his hometown of San Pedro de Macoris, and the city of Atlanta, where he was a beloved fan favorite,” the players' association said in its statement . The Braves said Carty left an indelible mark on the organization. “While his on-field accomplishments will never be forgotten, his unforgettable smile and generous nature will be sorely missed,” the team said in its statement. Carty made his big league debut with the Braves in September 1963. He batted .330 with 22 homers and 88 RBIs in his first full season in 1964, finishing second to Dick Allen in voting for NL Rookie of the Year. The Braves moved from Milwaukee to Atlanta after the 1965 season, and Carty got the franchise's first hit in its new home on April 12, 1966, against Pittsburgh. Carty had his best year in 1970, batting .366 with 25 homers and a career-best 101 RBIs. He started the All-Star Game after he was elected as a write-in candidate, joining Willie Mays and Hank Aaron in the NL outfield. Carty batted .299 with 204 homers and 890 RBIs over 15 years in the majors, also playing for Cleveland, Toronto, Oakland, Texas and the Chicago Cubs. He retired after the 1979 season. ___ AP MLB: https://apnews.com/hub/MLB The Associated PressNone
Two Baldur’s Gate Games Now Free for Limited TimeJay Leno, 74, treats himself to In-N-Out burger as he shows off huge bruise after dramatic 60ft fall
It’s a shame that the Celtics and Timberwolves play each other just twice per season. Lately, whenever Boston and Minnesota square off, drama ensues. Sunday’s matchup at TD Garden was no different, with the Celtics surviving a furious Wolves comeback to win 107-105. Jaylen Brown’s 3-pointer with 76 seconds remaining proved to be the difference, capping a 29-point performance that also included Boston’s first 15 points of the game. Naz Reid had a chance to win it for Minnesota as time expired, but his three both missed the mark and did not leave his hand before the final buzzer. Jayson Tatum added 26 points, eight rebounds, four assists and two steals for Boston, which won its fifth straight to improve to 14-3. Derrick White finished with 19 points, nine rebounds, five assists, two blocks and a steal. Brown, Tatum and White combined to shoot 16-for-31 (51.6%) from 3-point range in the win. Anthony Edwards and Julius Randle scored 28 and 23 points, respectively, to lead the Timberwolves, who have not won in Boston since 2005. Rudy Gobert grabbed 20 rebounds — the most by a Celtics opponent this season — including eight offensive boards. Brown got off to a scorching start for the Celtics, drilling five 3-pointers on five shots in the first 3:14 of game time. The NBA Finals MVP hadn’t hit five threes in any full game since Boston’s season opener, and he reached that mark just four times all last season. With Brown’s hand hot, head coach Joe Mazzulla deviated from his typical early-game plan, giving Tatum a rest after eight minutes and playing Brown for the entire first quarter. Those roles have been flipped in most games this season, with Tatum playing the full opening frame in all but one contest before Sunday. Brown’s 5-for-5 start represented nearly all of Boston’s first-quarter offense, however. The team made just three of its other 18 field goals, and it took more than nine minutes for any other Celtics player to record a point. Minnesota led 27-24 after one. Tatum, held scoreless in the first, fueled Boston in the second quarter with 13 points on seven shots, including a second-chance 3-pointer off a Sam Hauser offensive rebound and a tough driving layup over reigning NBA Defensive Player of the Year Gobert. Al Horford also sank two threes in the quarter as the Celtics built a 10-point lead. But the Wolves scored the final nine points of the half, routinely exploiting one of the Celtics’ biggest weaknesses so far this season: rim protection. Minnesota went 11-for-13 inside the restricted area in the first half (and 10-for-36 on all other shots) and trailed 55-52 at halftime. That interior success kept the Wolves competitive for a half. But the Celtics’ 3-point barrage eventually became too much for the underdog visitors to handle. Boston made six threes in the first 6 1/2 minutes of the third quarter — three by Tatum; one each by Brown, Horford and Jrue Holiday — to open up a 19-point lead. The Celtics also blocked five Timberwolves shots in the quarter, including two rejections by White. Another of those came courtesy of Xavier Tillman, who saw his largest workload in weeks as Mazzulla shook up his frontcourt rotation. With Luke Kornet (hamstring tightness) inactive, Mazzulla used Tillman as Horford’s top backup rather than the struggling Neemias Queta. Tillman played 14 minutes, finishing with three points, four rebounds and one block. Queta, who came in averaging 22.5 minutes per game in November, was a healthy DNP for the first time since Oct. 26. The Celtics carried an 84-73 lead into the fourth quarter, then had to fend off a late Timberwolves charge led by backup guard Rob Dillingham, who hit two threes and a layup to help Minnesota close the gap. Edwards added two threes of his own after checking back in for Dillingham, and Jaden McDaniels’ driving baseline dunk with 2:04 remaining cut Boston’s lead to 104-102. But Brown’s three on the ensuing Celtics possession proved to be the game-winner, though he missed another shortly thereafter that could have iced the game. A Randle layup got Minnesota within two, but Reid couldn’t convert his would-be buzzer-beater.
It’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump's support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump's victory came together: Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden's total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion's share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden's mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn't only Harris' shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states' broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump's team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump's political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris' candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump's support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump's team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump's focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden's 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris' improvement in Milwaukee's suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign's senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you're going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona's most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden's total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. The biggest leaps to the right weren't taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan's Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris', the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy," said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission. Get local news delivered to your inbox!It’s a daunting reality for Democrats: Republican Donald Trump's support has grown broadly since he last sought the presidency. In his defeat of Democrat Kamala Harris , Trump won a bigger percentage of the vote in each one of the 50 states, and Washington, D.C., than he did four years ago. He won more actual votes than in 2020 in 40 states, according to an Associated Press analysis. Certainly, Harris’ more than 7 million vote decline from President Joe Biden’s 2020 total was a factor in her loss, especially in swing-state metropolitan areas that have been the party’s winning electoral strongholds. But, despite national turnout that was lower than in the high-enthusiasm 2020 election, Trump received 2.5 million more votes than he did four years ago. He swept the seven most competitive states to win a convincing Electoral College victory, becoming the first Republican nominee in 20 years to win a majority of the popular vote. Trump cut into places where Harris needed to overperform to win a close election. Now Democrats are weighing how to regain traction ahead of the midterm elections in two years, when control of Congress will again be up for grabs and dozens of governors elected. There were some notable pieces to how Trump's victory came together: Though Trump improved across the map, his gains were particularly noteworthy in urban counties home to the cities of Detroit, Milwaukee and Philadelphia, electoral engines that stalled for Harris in industrial swing states Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania. Harris fell more than 50,000 votes — and 5 percentage points — short of Biden's total in Wayne County, Michigan, which makes up the lion's share of the Detroit metro area. She was almost 36,000 votes off Biden's mark in Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, and about 1,000 short in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin. It wasn't only Harris' shortfall that helped Trump carry the states, a trio that Democrats had collectively carried in six of the seven previous elections before Nov. 5. Trump added to his 2020 totals in all three metro counties, netting more than 24,000 votes in Wayne County, more than 11,000 in Philadelphia County and almost 4,000 in Milwaukee County. It’s not yet possible to determine whether Harris fell short of Biden’s performance because Biden voters stayed home or switched their vote to Trump — or how some combination of the two produced the rightward drift evident in each of these states. Harris advertised heavily and campaigned regularly in each, and made Milwaukee County her first stop as a candidate with a rally in July. These swings alone were not the difference in Michigan, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin, but her weaker performance than Biden across the three metros helped Trump, who held on to big 2020 margins in the three states' broad rural areas and improved or held steady in populous suburbs. Trump's team and outside groups supporting him knew from their data that he was making inroads with Black voters, particularly Black men younger than 50, more concentrated in these urban areas that have been key to Democratic victories. When James Blair, Trump's political director, saw results coming in from Philadelphia on election night, he knew Trump had cut into the more predominantly Black precincts, a gain that would echo in Wayne and Milwaukee counties. “The data made clear there was an opportunity there,” Blair said. AP VoteCast, a nationwide survey of more than 120,000 voters, found Trump won a larger share of Black and Latino voters than he did in 2020, and most notably among men under age 45. Democrats won Senate races in Michigan and Wisconsin but lost in Pennsylvania. In 2026, they will be defending governorships in all three states and a Senate seat in Michigan. Despite the burst of enthusiasm Harris' candidacy created among the Democratic base when she entered the race in July, she ended up receiving fewer votes than Biden in three of the seven states where she campaigned almost exclusively. In Arizona, she received about 90,000 fewer votes than Biden. She received about 67,000 fewer in Michigan and 39,000 fewer in Pennsylvania. In four others — Georgia, Nevada, North Carolina and Wisconsin — Harris won more votes than Biden did. But Trump's support grew by more — in some states, significantly more. That dynamic is glaring in Georgia, where Harris received almost 73,000 more votes than Biden did when he very narrowly carried the state. But Trump added more than 200,000 to his 2020 total, en route to winning Georgia by roughly 2 percentage points. In Wisconsin, Trump's team reacted to slippage it saw in GOP-leaning counties in suburban Milwaukee by targeting once-Democratic-leaning, working-class areas, where Trump made notable gains. In the three largest suburban Milwaukee counties — Ozaukee, Washington and Waukesha — which have formed the backbone of GOP victories for decades, Harris performed better than Biden did in 2020. She also gained more votes than Trump gained over 2020, though he still won the counties. That made Trump's focus on Rock County, a blue-collar area in south central Wisconsin, critical. Trump received 3,084 more votes in Rock County, home of the former automotive manufacturing city of Janesville, than he did in 2020, while Harris underperformed Biden's 2020 total by seven votes. That helped Trump offset Harris' improvement in Milwaukee's suburbs. The focus speaks to the strength Trump has had and continued to grow with middle-income, non-college educated voters, the Trump campaign's senior data analyst Tim Saler said. “If you're going to have to lean into working-class voters, they are particularly strong in Wisconsin,” Saler said. “We saw huge shifts from 2020 to 2024 in our favor.” Of the seven most competitive states, Arizona saw the smallest increase in the number of votes cast in the presidential contest — slightly more than 4,000 votes, in a state with more than 3.3 million ballots cast. That was despite nearly 30 campaign visits to Arizona by Trump, Harris and their running mates and more than $432 million spent on advertising by the campaigns and allied outside groups, according to the ad-monitoring firm AdImpact. Arizona, alone of the seven swing states, saw Harris fall short of Biden across small, midsize and large counties. In the other six states, she was able to hold on in at least one of these categories. Even more telling, it is also the only swing state where Trump improved his margin in every single county. While turnout in Maricopa County, Arizona's most populous as the home to Phoenix, dipped slightly from 2020 — by 14,199 votes, a tiny change in a county where more than 2 million people voted — Trump gained almost 56,000 more votes than four years ago. Meanwhile, Harris fell more than 60,000 votes short of Biden's total, contributing to a shift significant enough to swing the county and state to Trump, who lost Arizona by fewer than 11,000 votes in 2020. The biggest leaps to the right weren't taking place exclusively among Republican-leaning counties, but also among the most Democratic-leaning counties in the states. Michigan's Wayne County swung 9 points toward Trump, tying the more Republican-leaning Antrim County for the largest movement in the state. AP VoteCast found that voters were most likely to say the economy was the most important issue facing the country in 2024, followed by immigration. Trump supporters were more motivated by economic issues and immigration than Harris', the survey showed. “It’s still all about the economy," said North Carolina Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson, a senior adviser to Democrat Josh Stein, who won North Carolina’s governorship on Nov. 5 as Trump also carried the state. “Democrats have to embrace an economic message that actually works for real people and talk about it in the kind of terms that people get, rather than giving them a dissertation of economic policy,” he said. Governor’s elections in 2026 give Democrats a chance to test their understanding and messaging on the issue, said Democratic pollster Margie Omero, whose firm has advised Wisconsin’s Democratic Gov. Tony Evers in the past and winning Arizona Senate candidate Ruben Gallego this year. “So there’s an opportunity to really make sure people, who governors have a connection to, are feeling some specificity and clarity with the Democratic economic message,” Omero said. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed without permission. Get local news delivered to your inbox!Trump picks Jay Bhattacharya, who backed COVID herd immunity, to lead National Institutes of Health
WASHINGTON — President Joe Biden is weighing whether to issue sweeping pardons for officials and allies who the White House fears could be unjustly targeted by President-elect Donald Trump’s administration, a preemptive move that would be a novel and risky use of the president’s extraordinary constitutional power. The deliberations so far are largely at the level of White House lawyers. But Biden himself has discussed the topic with some senior aides, according to two people familiar with the matter who spoke on condition of anonymity Thursday to discuss the sensitive subject. No decisions have been made, the people said, and it is possible Biden opts to do nothing at all. Pardons are historically afforded to those accused of specific crimes – and usually those who have already been convicted of an offense — but Biden’s team is considering issuing them for those who have not even been investigated, let alone charged. They fear that Trump and his allies, who have boasted of enemies lists and exacting “retribution,” could launch investigations that would be reputationally and financially costly for their targets even if they don’t result in prosecutions. While the president’s pardon power is absolute, Biden’s use in this fashion would mark a significant expansion of how they are deployed, and some Biden aides fear it could lay the groundwork for an even more drastic usage by Trump. They also worry that issuing pardons would feed into claims by Trump and his allies that the individuals committed acts that necessitated immunity. Recipients could include infectious-disease specialist Dr. Anthony Fauci, who was instrumental in combating the coronavirus pandemic and who has become a pariah to conservatives angry about mask mandates and vaccines. Others include witnesses in Trump’s criminal or civil trials and Biden administration officials who have drawn the ire of the incoming president and his allies. Get the latest political news stories, from local elections and legislation to reaction to national events. By clicking Sign up, you agree to our privacy policy . Some fearful former officials have reached out to the Biden White House preemptively seeking some sort of protection from the future Trump administration, one of the people said. It follows Biden’s decision to pardon his son Hunter — not just for his convictions on federal gun and tax violations, but for any potential federal offense committed over an 11-year period, as the president feared that Trump allies would seek to prosecute his son for other offenses. That could serve as a model for other pardons Biden might issue to those who could find themselves in legal jeopardy under Trump. Biden is not the first to consider such pardons — Trump aides considered them for him and his supporters involved in his failed efforts to overturn the 2020 presidential election that culminated in a violent riot at the Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021. But he could be the first to issue them since Trump’s pardons never materialized before he left office nearly four years ago. Gerald Ford granted a “full, free, and absolute pardon” in 1974 to his predecessor, Richard Nixon, over the Watergate scandal. He believed a potential trial would “cause prolonged and divisive debate over the propriety of exposing to further punishment and degradation a man who has already paid the unprecedented penalty of relinquishing the highest elective office of the United States," as written in the pardon proclamation. Politico was first to report that Biden was studying the use of preemptive pardons. On the campaign trail, Trump made no secret of his desire to seek revenge on those who prosecuted him or crossed him. Trump has talked about “enemies from within" and circulated social media posts that call for the jailing of Biden, Vice President Kamala Harris, former Vice President Mike Pence and Sens. Mitch McConnell and Chuck Schumer. He also zeroed in on former Rep. Liz Cheney, a conservative Republican who campaigned for Harris and helped investigate Jan. 6, and he promoted a social media post that suggested he wanted military tribunals for supposed treason. Kash Patel, whom Trump has announced as his nominee to be director of the FBI, has listed dozens of former government officials he wanted to “come after.” Richard Painter, a Trump critic who served as the top White House ethics lawyer under President George W. Bush, said he was reluctantly in support of having Biden issue sweeping pardons to people who could be targeted by Trump's administration. He said he hoped that would “clean the slate” for the incoming president and encourage him to focus on governing, not on punishing his political allies. “It’s not an ideal situation at all,” Painter said. “We have a whole lot of bad options confronting us at this point.” While the Supreme Court this year ruled that the president enjoys broad immunity from prosecution for what could be considered official acts, his aides and allies enjoy no such shield. Some fear that Trump could use the promise of a blanket pardon to encourage his allies to take actions they might otherwise resist for fear of running afoul of the law. “There could be blatant illegal conduct over the next four years, and he can go out and pardon his people before he leaves office,” Painter said. "But if he’s going to do that, he’s going to do that anyway regardless of what Biden does." More conventional pardons from Biden, such as those for sentencing disparities for people convicted of federal crimes, are expected before the end of the year, the White House said.
A new leak behind " " recently surfaced online, and many fans discovered this point to a single profile that claimed to be an existing Rockstar Games employee whose work revolved around this upcoming title. While the first official trailer from Rockstar Games confirmed many features coming to "GTA VI," the latest discovery is now confirming more of the game's experiences arriving soon. One of the most important claims here was that Rockstar Games is still planning to deliver a PC version of the game, but as revealed by the company, it will first focus on its console availability above all else. Redditors shared a to the r/GTA6 community which expands more on what Rockstar Games has to offer for its upcoming action RPG title, "Grand Theft Auto VI," which offers more about the next game. The aforementioned screenshot was from a LinkedIn profile of an anonymous Rockstar Games employee which detailed the many features available soon. First, the employee regarded that he has been part of Rockstar since 2020 and has since worked on helping develop the 'RAGE' engine which combines factors like AI, physics, and more to ensure "open world environments and simulation." Next, they were also tasked with integrating advanced technologies for game development, including a technical system known as ray-tracing which is best known to improve the game's scenes and environment. Lastly, it was also revealed that Rockstar Games is planning to develop a port or version of "Grand Theft Auto VI" for the PC gaming platforms, but it is to be expected at a later date compared to consoles. It is known that past Rockstar games came to PC after they made their debut on dedicated gaming platforms. The source of the latest leak claimed to be a Rockstar Games employee who did not intend to share these intricate details behind the game but only describe his position and responsibilities to the employment-focused social network.That being said, this piece of information remains a significant leak behind the RPG sandbox game after Rockstar Games went MIA (missing in action) regarding the game's development this year. Fans and players are currently awaiting the tidbits from Rockstar regarding "GTA VI's" development, but the company is yet to release a new trailer that is expected to either bring a deeper dive into its story, offer a preview of its gameplay, or share more information behind it. Rockstar Games took its time in developing a sequel to its 2013 game and the last mainline release of the franchise, with many rallying to the company to confirm the game and share a trailer for all. This finally marked the long years of torment awaiting "Grand Theft Auto VI," with its confirming the game's return to Vice City after many years of focusing on Los Santos and Liberty City. It was also previously rumored that gamers may have to wait for the game because of delays that push it back to 2026, around a year after the promised Spring 2025 release date for "Grand Theft Auto VI."None
Ecuador police rescue kidnapped footballer following firefight
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After Maharashtra Poll Debacle, What Lies In Future For Uddhav Thackeray, Sharad Pawar?AP Sports SummaryBrief at 6:04 p.m. ESTEquities researchers at StockNews.com initiated coverage on shares of Surmodics ( NASDAQ:SRDX – Get Free Report ) in a report issued on Saturday. The firm set a “hold” rating on the stock. Separately, Needham & Company LLC restated a “hold” rating on shares of Surmodics in a research report on Thursday, November 7th. Five equities research analysts have rated the stock with a hold rating, According to data from MarketBeat.com, the stock has a consensus rating of “Hold” and a consensus price target of $50.00. Check Out Our Latest Research Report on Surmodics Surmodics Price Performance Surmodics ( NASDAQ:SRDX – Get Free Report ) last posted its earnings results on Wednesday, November 6th. The company reported ($0.13) earnings per share (EPS) for the quarter, topping the consensus estimate of ($0.27) by $0.14. The business had revenue of $33.23 million for the quarter, compared to analysts’ expectations of $30.69 million. Surmodics had a negative net margin of 9.15% and a negative return on equity of 3.77%. As a group, sell-side analysts predict that Surmodics will post 0.17 earnings per share for the current fiscal year. Institutional Trading of Surmodics Several institutional investors and hedge funds have recently made changes to their positions in the stock. SG Americas Securities LLC grew its position in Surmodics by 14.7% in the first quarter. SG Americas Securities LLC now owns 5,138 shares of the company’s stock worth $151,000 after acquiring an additional 660 shares in the last quarter. Vanguard Group Inc. raised its position in Surmodics by 0.7% during the first quarter. Vanguard Group Inc. now owns 865,214 shares of the company’s stock valued at $25,385,000 after purchasing an additional 5,927 shares in the last quarter. Lazard Asset Management LLC lifted its stake in Surmodics by 13.4% during the first quarter. Lazard Asset Management LLC now owns 5,679 shares of the company’s stock worth $166,000 after purchasing an additional 673 shares during the last quarter. Nisa Investment Advisors LLC boosted its holdings in shares of Surmodics by 4,722.3% in the 2nd quarter. Nisa Investment Advisors LLC now owns 68,429 shares of the company’s stock worth $2,877,000 after purchasing an additional 67,010 shares in the last quarter. Finally, Bank of New York Mellon Corp increased its position in shares of Surmodics by 16.3% during the 2nd quarter. Bank of New York Mellon Corp now owns 58,610 shares of the company’s stock valued at $2,464,000 after purchasing an additional 8,220 shares during the last quarter. Hedge funds and other institutional investors own 96.63% of the company’s stock. Surmodics Company Profile ( Get Free Report ) Surmodics, Inc, together with its subsidiaries, provides performance coating technologies for intravascular medical devices, and chemical and biological components for in vitro diagnostic immunoassay tests and microarrays in the United States and internationally. It operates through two segments, Medical Device and In Vitro Diagnostics (IVD). Read More Receive News & Ratings for Surmodics Daily - Enter your email address below to receive a concise daily summary of the latest news and analysts' ratings for Surmodics and related companies with MarketBeat.com's FREE daily email newsletter .