Ease of living depends on how easily people can access government services, said Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis while unveiling the Good Governance Index report released on Thursday (December 26, 2024) in Mumbai. Releasing the report, Mr. Fadnavis said that his government is always working to improve the ‘ease of living’ in the State. The report mentions five districts from each sector: Amravati, Washim, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, Latur and Parbhani for agriculture and related sectors; Mumbai city, Raigad, Pune, Palghar and Thane for commerce and industry; Nashik, Gondia, Pune, Yavatmal and Satara for human resource development; Sindhudurg, Mumbai Suburban, Palghar, Beed and Ratnagiri for public health; Latur, Nashik, Buldhana, Chandrapur and Hingoli for infrastructure; Gondia, Amravati, Nashik, Dhule and Nagpur for social development; Mumbai suburban, Mumbai city, Raigad, Jalgaon and Bhandara for economic governance; Mumbai suburban, Mumbai City, Nagpur, Gadchiroli and Raigad for justice and security; Sangli, Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, Solapur, Mumbai city and Mumbai suburban for Environment; Nashik, Washim, Yavatmal, Buldhana and Amravati for people-centric administration. “Good governance reflects whether the citizens of the State have access to government services without any delay or not. The step forward the trillion-dollar economy can be strengthened through good governance. As per the parameters of various sectors and with the support of Central government, the District Good Governance Index has shown a positive scope towards achieving good governance,” Mr. Fadnavis said. He also reviewed the planning for the next 100 days and directed all the departments to deliver a concrete performance through the 100-day plan that should include people-centric technology-based schemes to benefit citizens. He directed the Forest Department to take measures using artificial intelligence and information technology to bring down human-wildlife conflict and said, a rapid rescue team should be established for a quick addressal of the issue. “Considering the increasing number of leopards, arrangements should be made to move them to sanctuaries in other States as and when needed. The capacity of leopard shelters should be increased.” The Forest Department has also been asked to come up with a policy to establish a carbon credit company. The Miyawaki tree plantation method is suggested to be used in cities to increase afforestation in urban areas. The report mentioned that the Agriculture Department should implement schemes to keep farmers at the center of its plan. The Higher and Technical Education Department should attract foreign universities to the country and create educational complexes, the report said. “In the past, the government emphasised people-centric administration and had set up a platform called, ‘Aaple Sarkar’, one-stop platform for citizens to seek redressal of their grievances. The District Good Governance Index is based on 161 parameters, more than 300 data points in about 10 development sectors, those whose performance has been low in terms of quality, must improve their performance and progress index,” Mr. Fadnavis said congratulating the district administrators who performed well in the index. Published - December 27, 2024 03:50 am IST Copy link Email Facebook Twitter Telegram LinkedIn WhatsApp Reddit Maharashtra / governmentAMESBURY, Mass. , Dec. 2, 2024 /PRNewswire/ -- Provident Bancorp, Inc. (the "Company") (Nasdaq:PVBC), the holding company for BankProv (the "Bank"), today announced that its Board of Directors has adopted a new stock repurchase program. Under the repurchase program, the Company may repurchase up to 883,366 shares of its common stock, or approximately five percent of the current outstanding shares. Javascript is required for you to be able to read premium content. Please enable it in your browser settings.Pakistan’s political arena now stands at a precarious crossroads. Over the past five decades, the major political players have slipped into decline or teetering on the edge of irrelevance. The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N), which enjoyed nearly three decades of dominance in Punjab and alternated comfortably between government and opposition, faces the most defining dilemma about its survival. Its credibility started to erode when it entered into a submissive alliance with the military establishment to regain power. This move was taken as a betrayal of the party’s ideology by the grassroots supporters who were disgruntled by the leadership’s pro-establishment approach since 2021. The long stay in London by Nawaz Sharif, the leader of the PML-N, compounded the problems for the party. During this period, the second tier of the PML-N leadership also dissociated itself from its vote bank. At the same time, the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), a dominant force in Punjab decades ago, has been reduced to a shadow of its former self. Despite Asif Ali Zardari’s calculated maneuvering and Bilawal Bhutto’s youthful optimism, the party’s influence in the province withered after its dismal performance in the 2013 elections. Attempts to reclaim relevance have yielded little, leaving the PPP a regional actor at best, which is now confined to the province of Sind only. In stark contrast, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) remains Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s most popular party, even with its leader, Imran Khan, languishing in Adiala Jail for over a year. Factually speaking, popularity alone is not enough for the longevity of any political party. The same is true about the PTI. With a baggage of organizational chaos, infighting and lack of governing capacity, the PTI’s sustainability is heavily threatened. Despite captivating the public imagination at large, his strained relations with the powerful establishment and a lack of strategic vision are the main contributing factors to Imran Khan’s current predicament. Recent events have given a new turn to the political fortunes of the PTI. Once again, political missteps have cost the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) dearly, especially during its Nov. 24-26 protest march demanding the release of its jailed leader, Imran Khan. Leading her first protest, Bushra Bibi, Khan’s wife, reportedly ignored counsel and mishandled the protest march toward D-Chowk – the infamous protest point in the capital – a move that backfired spectacularly. A hasty retreat on the evening of Nov. 26 by Bushra Bibi – and Ali Amin Gandapur, Chief Minister of the PTI-governed Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) province – left PTI supporters disheartened and demoralized. This was the fifth protest march led by the PTI in recent months that ended in disaster. For obvious reasons, the PTI leadership’s recurring inability to manage expectations and prepare for contingencies has severely strained the party’s morale. Turning the protest into a dramatic "do-or-die" moment exacerbated the fallout when the plan unraveled. Though the PTI made gains during the three-day march, the cracks in its strategy became glaringly apparent once the state flexed its whole muscle. The party’s overreach and under-preparedness underscored its political immaturity, leaving its leadership and loyal cadres grappling with the costs of another botched showdown in the capital. All the five such attempts by the PTI to release Imran Khan have failed miserably. The last effort on Nov. 24 was proudly touted by Imran Khan and his wife, Bushra Bibi, as the “final march” that would continue till his release. But the crowd was dispersed by the state power within hours after reaching the designated D-Chowk for a long sit-in. The PTI’s so-called “final call” fizzled out as unexpectedly as it began – chaotic, ill-prepared and devoid of accountability. By Tuesday night, supporters who had gathered in Islamabad were abandoned by their leaders. Bushra Bibi, who had vowed not to leave D-Chowk without Imran Khan’s release, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur reportedly fled to safer ground in KP, leaving behind a fractured and disillusioned base. This pattern of forsaking its own supporters has become emblematic of the PTI’s political playbook. The party’s workers, driven by unwavering loyalty to Imran Khan, endured harsh conditions and aggressive security measures, clinging to promises of an imminent revolution and the restoration of their “stolen mandate.” Instead, they found themselves on the front lines – facing tear gas and rubber bullets alone . Such incidents underscore a troubling reality: PTI’s rhetoric of transformation is often undercut by its inability to deliver leadership when it matters most, leaving its followers stranded amid the fallout. The PTI’s repeated abandonment of its workers reveals a troubling disconnect between its rhetoric and reality. Since Imran Khan’s imprisonment, the PTI leadership, which has been subjected to frequent reshuffling by Imran Khan himself in the last year, has been treating their most loyal supporters as mere pawns who are abandoned at every crucial time to bear the brunt of crackdowns alone. Now, a profound betrayal of trust is visible among the PTI supporters. The recent events in Islamabad reveal a stark failure of politics, with the coalition government opting for unnecessary high-handedness to silence dissent. In its overreach, it overlooked a fundamental truth: the essence of democracy lies in accommodating protests, differences and coexistence under the constitutional framework. The PML-N’s fiery rhetoric of revenge for past PTI sit-ins amounted to political theatrics devoid of maturity, while the PPP’s silent distancing offers little absolution from complicity in the consequences. PTI workers, confined within the Red Zone and D-Chowk limits, were met with an unjustified crackdown. Patience, not force, should have been employed. Allowing the protesters to disperse naturally under Islamabad’s chilling winter while initiating constructive dialogue with PTI leadership could have averted bloody escalation . Instead, the Interior Minister’s heavy-handed approach has set a dangerous precedent, undermining lawful political engagement. The aftermath leaves PTI traumatized yet defiant, vowing to sustain its protests while the core issues - the release of Imran Khan and recognition of the Feb. 8 mandate - remain unmet. All the stakeholders are repeatedly ignoring history’s lessons. The PTI’s failed “revolution” has left the party battered and bereft of momentum. With its leaders retreating under pressure and Imran Khan’s release now a distant prospect, the protest strategy to besiege Islamabad has backfired spectacularly. What was intended as a show of defiance became a stark revelation of the party’s limitations: its core strength was increasingly confined to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), where it has governed for over a decade. The toll has been grim – reportedly nine lives lost, including four security personnel, with scores injured on both sides. Rather than advancing its cause, PTI’s march has seriously dented its. The incursion into the capital has left Imran Khan weakened and stands on precarious ground, eroding whatever leverage he once wielded to negotiate his release. The establishment – and, to some extent, the ruling coalition – now find themselves in a much stronger position. Now, after the botched protest campaign, the PTI is facing intense infighting and internal cracks, and many leaders, including the party’s secretary general, are expected to desert the party in anticipation of a massive crackdown by the government. There is widespread thinking among the PTI leadership that now the emboldened establishment will tighten the noose around the PTI leadership. Therefore, we may see many PTI leaders leaving the party, particularly from Punjab and Sind provinces, who failed to mobilize supporters for the “final march” on Nov. 24. Damage has been done to the PTI, and its disillusioned supporters are not likely to support any protest campaign in the coming days. Their enthusiasm, ignited by promises of revolution, has been effectively extinguished by disappointment. Exhaustion and disillusionment have enveloped the entire party, which now faces the stark reality that Imran Khan will remain behind bars for the foreseeable future. The federal government, emboldened by its ability to handle the chaos, now stands stronger. The establishment has grown more resolute, clearly signaling little tolerance for further PTI maneuvers. Against this backdrop, a pricking question arises: if this outpouring of effort could not secure Imran Khan’s release, what possibly could? The grim answer is becoming inescapably clear. Rather than igniting a revolution, the failed march has deepened PTI’s internal fractures and political isolation. A sobering reckoning remains: PTI lost the fragility of its national appeal at the cost of an ill-conceived protest strategy.
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The Dallas Cowboys are shutting down CeeDee Lamb for the rest of the season after the star wideout played through a shoulder injury for nearly two months. Lamb initially sprained the AC joint in his right shoulder on Nov. 3 but has not missed any of the Cowboys' first 15 games this season. "Additional examinations and scans this week on CeeDee Lamb's shoulder have determined that his injury has now progressed to a point that he will be listed as ‘Out' for the remaining two games of the season," a team spokesperson said in a statement to media outlets. "He will undergo a process of treatment and rehabilitation for his shoulder, is not currently expected to require surgery and is projected to make a full recovery." The Cowboys (7-8), eliminated from playoff contention, face two division rivals to close the season. They visit the Philadelphia Eagles on Sunday and will host the Washington Commanders in Week 18. Lamb, 25, hauled in 101 receptions for 1,194 yards and six touchdowns this season. It marked his fourth straight 1,000-yard season, and he may be selected to a fourth straight Pro Bowl for his efforts. Lamb signed a four-year, $136 million contract extension in August, covering the 2025-28 seasons. --Field Level Media
Juan Soto is now officially a member of the New York Mets . He passed his physical, and the team made the announcement Wednesday night, three days after Soto agreed to terms on a 15-year contract worth $765 million. Soto's contract is the largest in Major League Baseball history, dethroning the $700 million agreement Shohei Ohtani signed just a year ago with the Los Angeles Dodgers . The rise of interest in sports business since the publication of "Moneyball" means, in part, that contract structures get scrutinized as much as lineups or in-game decisions. With that in mind, we here at CBS Sports wanted to honor the moment by breaking down four notable aspects of Soto's reported agreement with the Mets. Let's get to it. 1. There's no deferred money The defining characteristic of Ohtani's 10-year, $700 million pact with the Dodgers was the absurd amount of deferred money -- all but $2 million per season. As a result of that structure and the time value of money, Ohtani's deal had a present value of $437,830,563, according to the MLB Players Association's calculations. No formula is needed for Soto's agreement. That's because this deal contains no deferred money, according to MLB's Mark Feinsand . In other words, this isn't a case where Soto signed for $765 million but his "actual" contract is along the lines of being worth $450 million (or whatever figure). 2. Intriguing opt-out opportunity after 2029 season Although Soto signed for 15 years, or what appeared to be the rest of his career, he'll actually hold the power to bail a third of the way through. Indeed, his pact includes an opt-out clause after five seasons, according to multiple reports Opt outs are commonplace in most of agent Scott Boras' megadeals. This particular opt-out clause includes a way for Soto's record-breaking deal to hit the $800 million mark. Here's the deal's exact structure, according to the New York Post's : 2025-2026: $46.875 million 2027: $42.5 million 2028-2029: $46.875 million 2030-2038: $46 million If Soto does want to reenter free agency as a 31-year-old, the Mets have the opportunity to override his opt out by adding an addition $4 million per season to the final 10 years of his contract. That would give Soto $50 million per year for his final decade in Queens and raise the grand total of this enormous deal to $805 million. Keep in mind, Soto's opt-out will fall after MLB and the MLBPA reach terms on a new Collective Bargaining Agreement, meaning the league's landscape could look different than it does at present. 3. Massive signing bonus Soto isn't just getting paid a ton overall, he's getting $75 million in the form of a signing bonus, according to Feinsand . The payment schedule hasn't been reported, but it should be noted that Soto won't necessarily receive that $75 million all at once. Mookie Betts ' deal with the Dodgers included a $65 million signing bonus paid in increments every Nov. 1. Conversely, Blake Snell will receive a $52 million signing bonus from the Dodgers in January. We'll see which path Soto's bonus takes, but let's be clear about something: it'll still count for Competitive Balance Tax purposes. Nevertheless, it does make for a nice sweetener for players who are cognizant of the time value of money. 4. Incentives + no-trade clause Soto can increase his total earnings by winning some hardware. According to MLB's Mark Feinsand , Soto will earn $500,000 if he wins a National League Most Valuable Player Award. He'll then earn $1 million per subsequent MVP, giving him plenty of a reason to keep his foot on the gas pedal heading forward. For context, Soto has never won an MVP. He has finished in the top three of voting twice, however, including in 2024. Jon Heyman reports Soto would receive $350,000 for a second-place MVP finish and $150,000 for third through fifth place. Other notable aspects of Soto's deal include a full no-trade clause, meaning he would need to approve any deal that sees him shipped elsewhere for the third time in his career. Soto also gets to wear the No. 22 with the Mets (a number that previously belonged to third baseman Brett Baty), and a luxury suite for home games, per Heyman.
If Philadelphia Eagles star quarterback Jalen Hurts is unavailable for their Week 17 tilt with the rival Dallas Cowboys, they'll at least have Kenny Pickett at their disposal. Hurts remains in concussion protocol while also dealing with a finger injury on his non-throwing hand. He did not practice on Thursday, but QB2 Pickett (ribs) was a full participant. Pickett told reporters after practice Thursday that he expects to be able to play. He "tested out some different things padding-wise" in anticipation of being on the field Sunday against visiting Dallas, when the Eagles can clinch the NFC East title with a victory. "It is what it is. Just something I'm going to have to deal with," Pickett said. "So, yeah, I'll be ready to go for Sunday." Hurts was injured last Sunday in the Eagles' loss to the Washington Commanders. His head hit the turf while being tackled by Frankie Luvu and Bobby Wagner. Hurts connected on just 1 of 4 passes for 11 yards before he exited the game. Pickett took over and produced 143 yards, one touchdown and one interception on 14-of-24 passing as Washington rallied to beat Philadelphia 36-33. It was later revealed that Pickett hurt his ribs during the game. "I think after a couple more days, getting a chance to kind of rest it a little bit more, go do some rehab, I'll be good for Sunday," Pickett said. The only other quarterback on the Eagles' roster is Tanner McKee, a sixth-round pick in 2023 who has yet to play a snap for them. Philadelphia signed quarterback Ian Book to the practice squad earlier Thursday. --Field Level Media
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Democrat torches N.Y. governor, Biden in latest rant against his party